Last night, Rudy Giuliani made his first real foray into foreign policy with a speech about how the country could be more competitive in the global market while at the same time improving America's reputation abroad.
I previewed that speech in this week's paper, but the campaign has just sent over their transcript of the speech, which was delivered to about 500 Republicans at a fund-raiser in Novi, Michigan.
In his remarks, Giuliani calls for a loosening of Visa restrictions to bring more skilled foreign workers into the market and increasing public and private interaction with Muslim and Arab countries to counter radical opposition through more trade and cultural and educational exchange programs. To fight widespread feelings of anti-Americanism he wants to turn to international broadcasters, such as the Voice of America, to get the word out that America is a bringer of freedom and not an oil-seeking occupier. He also wants to reform the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to encourage policies that distribute foreign aid in ways geared more towards fighting corruption and encouraging good governance.
Giuliani begins, as he usually does, by arguing that he is an optimist, and the only way out of these bleak times is through unflinching optimism. That said, he echoes his oft made claim that America is in the middle of a war, not just in Iraq, but in the "terrorists' war on us."
The Democrats, he said, are unprepared to fight that war because the "want to go back to the way we played defense against terrorism in the 1990s under Bill Clinton."
"They don't really understand the threat of Islamic terrorism," he said. "They've had three debates for President. They can't mention the words Islamic terrorism. If you can't face your enemy, you can't lead in the effort to defeat them."
Talking about economic struggles in Michigan, Giuliani also took another shot at Bill Clinton.
"I'm sure you all remember a candidate who used to run on the following statement: "I feel your pain," said Giuliani, adding "Well, I believe that a leader should not just feel your pain — empathy is not enough, that's not leadership — a leader has to relieve your pain, has to do something about your pain, has to do something substantive about it."
And while he says the Democrats have a habit of looking back, he himself turns to the model of how the United States confronted communism for lessons on how to combat Islamic fanaticism, which some critics would argue is a completely different threat.
"And of course we needed Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher and Pope John and Gorbachev to eventually end Soviet communism, but it was undermined and undermined in the right way by all of this business that we did with them. Same thing we should do with the Middle East now. We should do more business with them and engage them more in having trade with us, having cultural exchanges with us, the same set of policies that we used in dealing with the Soviet — Soviet Union. We should re-empower the Voice of America program so we broadcast messages about America so they understand what we're really all about. This is a country that doesn't like – we don't like war. We don't want to be at war. This is why we're so frustrated by it. We want to be at peace with people. We don't want to make war with anybody. We want to do business with you. That's what America is about. America is a country that likes to do business with people, and that's what we should be doing with the Middle East. And then we should make as a core of our foreign policy, of our policy in general, the empowerment of women in the Middle East. It should be a human rights cause for us because if women are educated and are given rights in the Middle East or throughout the world, it will go a long, long way to create the kind of connection to our world that we want."
It's not clear how many people are listening to the Voice of America these days, with cable and satellite radio and general opposition to American skewed media in Iraq and the Arab world.
Here's the full speech as transcribed by the Giuliani campaign.
MR. GIULIANI: Thank you very much, Saul. Thank you. Thank you very, very much. It's a great pleasure to be here. Thank you, Saul. Thank you, Craig, Dick DeVos as the Finance Chairman, and all of my good friends and fellow Republicans, and thank you for the very, very warm reception. I hope when the Yankees come here in August you're going to give them an equally warm reception. No, I guess not, huh? All right. Well, you can't have everything, but I'm an optimist at heart, and that's why I'm running for President. I believe that America is a great nation and it has a noble purpose, and I believe the best is ahead of us. And if we think that way, if we think optimistically and we think about a future that's better than our past, that's how we end up creating it. I am focused on the future of the country. That's what my campaign is about. Too many in the other Party, in the Democrat Party, are looking in the rear-view mirror. They're looking at the past. They want to go back to the 1990s. They want to go back to the way we played defense against terrorism in the 1990s under Bill Clinton, and they want to go back to the high taxes and big government of the 1990s. And that would be a terrible mistake. It would be a terrible mistake to lead this country from the point of view of pessimism and protectionism. They act as if America should apologize for its impact on the world. I believe America has nothing to apologize about our impact on the world. We are the biggest engine of freedom and prosperity in the world. If America is going in the wrong direction, I hate to think where the rest of the world is going. So to succeed in this world and to succeed in this kind of economy that we have, America has to be committed to free people, to free governments, and to free markets. So today I want to talk about one of the 12 commitments that I made a few weeks ago to the American people. The way I'm running my campaign is I think it should be run on ideas. So I have laid out on this little card, so I don't forget it, it's called, "My 12 Commitments to the American People." These are the ideas that I believe are the ideas that should be the backbone of my campaign, of the Republican Party, and ultimately, then, of the future of the country. I think that's the way you have to run for President of the United States. If you want to be a leader, you have to have the courage to set forth what you believe and then let people decide whether they agree with you or they don't agree with you. That's the way I turned New York City around. That's they way I'm going to turn around America. There is one commitment, however, that is first on the list. I'm going to discuss one of the others tonight, but the one that is first on the list I always mention because it's our preeminent issue, and it says I will keep America on offense in the terrorists' war on us.
MR. GIULIANI: That is the main commitment, and it's the one that if we don't get it right, all the rest, all the rest is maybe not going to be able to be accomplished. The Democrats in Congress want to have America leave Iraq. We hear that every night. We hear that every day. But I'd ask you just to pause for a second, and I'd like you to think for a moment about their proposal, that America should retreat from Iraq and that America should give its enemies a timetable of our retreat. Have you ever in the history of war ever heard of an army being told to retreat and then being required to print out and give its enemy a timetable of that retreat? It makes no sense. It makes no sense if you're going to retreat to set out a schedule and tell your enemy when you're going to depleted forces, when you're going to have 25,000 less or 30,000 less or 50,000 less or a hundred thousand less. It puts the remaining members of the military in grave jeopardy. So why is it that Democrats make a recommendation like that? Is it because they're unpatriotic? No. They're just as patriotic as Republicans. Is it because they don't care about the troops? No. They care about the troops as much as Republicans do. The reason they make a recommendation like that is they don't see the threat. They really don't. They don't really understand the threat of Islamic terrorism. They've had three debates for President. They can't mention the words Islamic terrorism. If you can't face your enemy, you can't lead in the effort to defeat them. You have to be able to face –
MR. GIULIANI: So my first commitment is to be on offense in the terrorists' war against us, but tonight I want to talk about another commitment. I'm also committed to a strong economy that creates better jobs in America and here in Michigan. And to accomplish that, I'm committed to cutting taxes, which is something the State of Michigan should do.
MR. GIULIANI: I'm committed to cutting wasteful spending and to cutting the size of government, which is something Michigan should do as America should do.
MR. GIULIANI: And I'm committed to economic growth and keeping the government out of the way of private enterprise so the private sector can create more jobs, more wealth, better jobs, and move people out of poverty, because that's the place where people move out of poverty, in the private sector. I'm sure you all remember a candidate who used to run on the following statement: "I feel your pain." And I've been reading about the current state of Michigan and the economy in Michigan, where you're losing about 450,000 jobs. There's a 1.5 billion dollar deficit. And you have a Governor that in light of all of that is raising taxes. Well, I believe that a leader should not just feel your pain — empathy is not enough, that's not leadership — a leader has to relieve your pain, has to do something about your pain, has to do something substantive about it. And the idea in the face of deficits and loss of jobs, the idea of raising taxes in the middle of all of that is a sure prescription for much greater disaster. You can look at tax increases as an invitation for more jobs to leave your city, your state, or your country.
MR. GIULIANI: When I took office as Mayor of New York City, New York City was in a situation, in one respect, at least, very similar to Michigan. We had just lost 320,000 jobs. We had a deficit of $2.3 billion. We had double digit unemployment. And there was a Commission that had been set up by my predecessor, a Democratic mayor, and the Commission had done a report, and the report was given to me right after I was elected and before I was sworn in as the Mayor, and it was a big report, and they handed it to me. And the New York Times asked me, "What are you going to do with the report?" Now, here's what the report recommended. The report recommended that the way to deal with the deficit was to raise taxes, raise fees, raise every single and conceivable imposition that government placed on business to get more money to cure the deficit. And they said, "Now, when are you going to implement that and what are you going to do with it?" I said, "I'll you what I'm going to do with it. I'm going to throw it in the garbage." And I did. I threw it in the garbage. Just took it and threw it in the garbage and I said, "These ideas are ridiculous. They're stupid." I was very unequivocal about it. I said, "The worst thing we can do in the middle of a deficit is to raise taxes because our deficit will just get greater." So what I did instead was I lowered taxes. I did that 23 times when I was the Mayor of New York City. I lowered taxes.
MR. GIULIANI: I lowered taxes in spite of the deficit. And I'll tell you the long arithmetic, rather than taking you through all the details of it. We began with a 2.3 billion dollar deficit. We replaced that with a 3 billion dollar surplus, and we lowered taxes by $9 billion. Just one example, we lowered the income tax by 24 percent, and we were collecting 40 percent more revenues from the lower income tax than from the higher income tax.
MR. GIULIANI: I know things look bad in Michigan, and I hear it's likely to get worse as the Governor continues to raise taxes, but the prescription for Michigan is the same prescription that we have for the United States, and it's –it's not to use a kind of European socialist model for how you run your government, which is what Democrats want to do. They somehow seem to think that things work better in European, more socialized governments than they work here. The thing to do is to reduce taxes, make government more efficient. America has some of the highest corporate tax rates in the world. How do you have more jobs for America? How do you stop out-sourcing? How do you stop jobs from leaving America? How about you lower the corporate tax rates and make America more competitive, make America more attractive for business. And candidates in the Democratic Party just can't wait to raise taxes some more. That's all they talk about. Some of them want to raise it 20 percent, some 25 percent. They want to raise taxes to do all kinds of things like give us the Michael Moore, Hillary Clinton socialized medicine program. Now, that's going to be great. That's going to be modeled on Cuba. This is exactly what we need. Isn't this wonderful? This is really terrific. We can have healthcare as good as they have in Cuba. We've got to be living somewhere else; right? You really can't believe this. The best way — the best way to deal with our economy for the United States as well as for Michigan is to lower taxes, keep tax rates low. Look at the death tax for a minute, the inheritance tax. The inheritance tax is 55 percent. That's — that's a tax on top of a tax. You are already taxed on all the money that you earn in your lifetime, and then if you die, there's another 55 percent tax put on top of that. Here's how Washington has dealt with that. The death tax is going to be reduced to 45 percent in 2009. In 2010, the death tax will be reduced to zero percent. That's great.
MR. GIULIANI: That's terrific. You're right, that's zero, but don't clap because in 2011 it’s going to go back up to 55 percent again. You figure out what they just did, what Washington just accomplished? They accomplished creating a tax incentive to die in 2010.
MR. GIULIANI: This is why we need somebody elected President of the United States who doesn't come from Washington, who hasn't been affected yet by breathing the air of Washington and can — and can bring about commonsense reforms like changing the Sarbanes-Oxley, making Sarbanes-Oxley more sensible, not –
MR. GIULIANI: Corporate transparency, good governance are important goals. We learn that. But Sarbanes-Oxley was an over-reaction. It went too far. It needs to be reformed. You've got to consider the size of the business, the imposition on the business, the reality of the certifications that are being asked, and you have to consider it in a competitive environment. Just like if we tax businesses too much they will go somewhere else, if we regulate them too much they'll go someplace else and we lose jobs. We need a competitive environment in order to make it possible for businesses and jobs here to grow. The reality is as President I can help to make our economy not just in Michigan but throughout the entire country, I can help make it a lot more competitive. I did it for New York. Believe me, in many ways it was harder to do it for New York than it would be for the entire country. In the meantime, one of the things that we can do is to look at the global economy differently than the Democrats look at it. When I say that 20 or 30 million people per year are emerging from poverty in China and in India, what do Democrats say in response to that? They say, "Oh, my goodness, what a problem. Look at all those people taking our jobs. Look at all those people making products and they're going to undercut American jobs and look at all of the out-sourcing." That's the Democratic, pessimistic defeatist approach. Here's the Republican approach, the optimistic, creative approach. I look at 20 or 30 million more people in either one of those countries and I say to myself, "Look at all those new customers. Look at all those new people we can sell things to. Look at all those people that now have some money, and what can America do with that? What America can do with that is to sell them products and processes, and they need that. They need that. After all, China and India are developing, but they are somewhere and they want to come to where we are. We have the things that we can sell to them to get them there if we think creatively about this, if we don't think like in a little hole in the ground, worried about every little thing and trying to put on tariffs and trying to stop people from doing things. Instead let's think about how we can use this as an ability to expand. So it's time to open new markets, not just slam doors. To engage the world economy, we must tear down the wall to free trade. We need to restore the fast track Promotion Authority for the next President. The Doha Round of trade agreements should be carried to completion. Free trade doesn't mean letting people get away with everything. You need a level playing field. You need a President that is going to make sure that we're not being treated unfairly. But, basically, our thrust has to be in the direction of free trade. The global economy is a wonderful thing for America. This is the world we wished for 20 and 30 and 40 years ago. When Nixon first opened up China, whoever thought this would happen? Now they don't want to go to war with us, God willing, they want to trade with us, and who better than the United States of America to take advantage of that if we think with American ideas, American principles and not pessimism and defeatism and protectionism. That's why we need free trade, and we need a President who understands it. And the President needs to do more to protect the workforce and to help it make the transition that has to be made. Here's an example of an equally silly thing that Washington did like the death tax. The Department of Labor's Employment and Training Administration has a 2.4 billion dollar program for retraining dislocated workers. $2.4 billion even nowadays is a lot of money. The problem with it is only 39 cents out of every dollar gets to training somebody. The rest of that money, the vast majority of it goes for bureaucrats and administrators and people overseeing people who oversee people who oversee other people. And, you know, less than – less than half of that money actually gets to retraining someone. Here's the way to do it. You change a program like that, turn it into a program in which you hand the money through vouchers directly to people and let them spend it in the programs that they select rather than the programs that the government directs. In fact, that's what we should do with education in general. That's what we should do with public education in this country. We should turn it into a system in which parents make the decision.
MR. GIULIANI: Who is the best decision-maker about someone's education? Either one or two people; that person or their parents. Well, in American public education and the way the government runs this retraining program, the government has decided we know better, we're going to decide for you how education should work. We should change that. If we change that, we're going to see public education in this country being as great as it used to be. We'll see public education educating our young people to compete with the young people all over the world and succeed, which is what we should be doing. And to increase that, I'm proposing a global prosperity initiative. America has to be much more active in promoting higher living standards around the world. The principles of freedom and free markets should be the foundation of our economic policies. We should measure high or median incomes and how that's coming about and how we're bringing that about. We should change the way the IMF and the World Bank operates so that they set standards so that the use of their money is actually tied to lifting the quality of life for people. Our foreign policy should promote not international welfare; it should promote international creativity, innovation, free markets, more trade. Much better off rather than giving foreign aid to people, give them an opportunity to do business with us, give them an opportunity to trade with us, because then we're going to make them self-sufficient; we're not going to make these countries dependent. Fifteen years ago it was possible for a candidate, the same one who said, "I feel your pain," to say, "It's the economy, stupid." Well, nowadays the economy and foreign policy are all one thing. Anybody who thinks that our economy can be dealt with just as a domestic issue is in for very serious trouble. Our economy is a matter of being a global country. We don't have the — we don't have the ability to be isolationists anymore. We don't, because if we do, we're going to absolutely destroy the growth of our economy. So we can't play defense; we got to play offense. We've got to engage the world. Our enemies in the terrorists' war on us, really the biggest problem they have is they're isolated from the world. They're disconnected from the world. So what we should do is connect them better. We should trade more with the Middle East. We should do more business with the Middle East. I just had a Diet Pepsi when I came out here. Every time I have a Pepsi, I say thank you. I say thank you to Pepsi because they were one of the firsts to go and do business in the Soviet Union, and then they were followed quickly by Coke, because anything Pepsi does, Coke does; and anything Coke does, Pepsi does. But I don't know if you realize how much that undermined communism. American companies like Pepsi, like Coke, like the Gap, like McDonald's, going and doing business there, how that changed the thinking of people in the Soviet Union. And of course we needed Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher and Pope John and Gorbachev to eventually end Soviet communism, but it was undermined and undermined in the right way by all of this business that we did with them. Same thing we should do with the Middle East now. We should do more business with them and engage them more in having trade with us, having cultural exchanges with us, the same set of policies that we used in dealing with the Soviet — Soviet Union. We should re-empower the Voice of America program so we broadcast messages about America so they understand what we're really all about. This is a country that doesn't like – we don't like war. We don't want to be at war. This is why we're so frustrated by it. We want to be at peace with people. We don't want to make war with anybody. We want to do business with you. That's what America is about. America is a country that likes to do business with people, and that's what we should be doing with the Middle East. And then we should make as a core of our foreign policy, of our policy in general, the empowerment of women in the Middle East. It should be a human rights cause for us because if women are educated and are given rights in the Middle East or throughout the world, it will go a long, long way to create the kind of connection to our world that we want. After all, women are a majority of the world's population, but in many countries and cultures, particularly in some of those that oppose us now, women are denied — I wouldn't even call them basic rights. I mean, they are denied rights of any kind. The Taliban in Afghanistan still threaten girls with violence and sometimes attacks them if they go to school because they are so desperate to stop women from having an education. Still, even when the Taliban was there and now as the Taliban is returning to some extent, women, despite that, still go to work and they still go to school and go to work and try to be part of the world. The message is clear and the contrast is stark. These are women who want to be seen as human beings. They're entitled to make their own choices and to take responsibility for their own lives. Women should be given the same rights and opportunities as men. In Christian households, in Muslim households, in all households, it is a basic requirement of human rights.
MR. GIULIANI: This is not a matter of imposing American culture on anybody else. Equal treatment for women is a basic right that women have. Now, not from government. They have that right like men have, from God, and no one can interfere with that, and America should be on that side. America should be on the side of empowering women to have equal rights in every society that we have any connection to or we have any dealings with. And if we can move women to an equal role in society, I believe that will be a very, very important way, the way Pepsi and Coke going to the Soviet Union was to changing the whole way that Soviets operated, it's going to be a way in which we win this war on terror, because I think they will then, women, will require from within the moderation of the excesses that are now creating a lot of this out-of-control ideology that wants to kill us and slaughter us, because that same ideology that wants to kill us and slaughter us wants to stone women for infractions of those rules. If we can change that, we can undermine the whole thing, and by undermine, I mean in the right way. The State Department also has to be reformed. There's a story about George Schultz when he was Secretary of State that explains exactly what I want to do with the State Department. George Schultz, when a new ambassador was named, would always sit with the ambassador, spend about an hour talking about the country that the ambassador was going to go to, whether it was England or France or Bermuda or the Soviet Union or China. They would have a long talk about the country; the problems, the issues, the things that had to be done. At the very end, when they were all finished, George Schultz would take a picture, a photograph, with the new ambassador so the ambassador could put it in his office. And then he would go over to a big globe that the Secretary had in his office and he'd say to the new ambassador, "Show me the country you represent." The ambassador would then spin the globe around and find his country; France, Germany Italy, Japan, whatever the country was. He'd say, "Right here, Mr. Secretary, Japan." George would wait a second, spin the globe all around again and he'd say, "No, no, no." And he'd point to the United States of America. He said, "The country you represent is the United States of America. The country you're going to visit is Japan." And that's a very, very important thing because America is under attack all over the world now. Our reputation is in jeopardy. I've been in 35 countries in the last five or six years, 94 trips. Half to three-quarters of the time I spend my time defending my country against the most unfair, ridiculous attacks, ridiculous things that are on television, radio, Internet. All kinds of myths about America. Horrible things you wouldn't even believe. Well, the State Department has to reorganize itself. It has to reorganize itself, and here's what the next President has to say to the State Department and here's what I know I can do if I change numerous government agencies and got them to think differently about who they were and what they had to achieve. I'd change the welfare agency into an employment agency. The State Department exists to advance the interests of the United States of America. All of the employees of the State Department exist to protect the American brand. America is a brand, after all. It's a great brand. It's the greatest in the world. It's a brand that represents freedom, like rights for women. It's a brand that represents electing people who are going to govern you. It's a brand that represents the rule of law. It's a brand that represents respect for human rights and human life. These are great aspirations of the human soul, so protecting that brand is a really important thing. And the American ambassador, people who are our State Department officials, should be constantly thinking of their role as being on television and radio and doing all the other ways in which you communicate to protect our brand when it is put under attack or put in question or put in doubt. They got to be aggressive about it. They got to be aggressive about being on television in these countries and explaining when they say that we kill children in America, which I actually heard in one country, that America has one of the lowest infant mortality rates in the world and it's been one that has been improving for the last 20, 30, 40, 50 years. And America doesn't turn people away for medical treatment. Even if we don't have complete coverage with insurance, we have hospitals that care for people. We don't let anybody go without care. And we pay enormous amounts of money for that. But we have to be doing that aggressively now because there is a concerted effort to destroy the reputation of this country. I don't know if it's concerted or it's so many different forces pushing in that direction, it feels that way. But it doesn't matter, we've got to defend it. So the first and clearest purpose of any employee of the State Department is to defend the reputation of the United States of America, to advance the interests of the United States of America. America's first ambassador, Benjamin Franklin, was sent to France not to explain the French to America, but to explain America to the French. The second one is a subsidiary role, which is to explain that country to us, but the primary role is to defend America in that country. You can't do anything more noble, anything better, than defending the United States of America, and the State Department should be organized to do that, and then we should have Voice of America programs and cultural exchanges. We've just got to out-communicate those people who oppose us. I think that's the lesson that I have learned from watching the Bush presidency. We have to out-communicate. Republicans have to out-communicate anyone else because, let's face it, we don't get the same breaks the Democrats get in the media. So we can — we can complain about that all we want. We can grouse about that all we want. We can feel sorry for ourselves all we want and we can even feel paranoid if we want, but my view of all of these things is what the heck are we going to do about it? And what we're going to do about it is we're going to out-communicate them. We're going to have more people who are more effective, who are better at, after all, presenting a message that's the right message. We're going to do that for America. We're going to do it for our Party. We're going to do it domestically and we're going to do it internationally. And, finally, we should have a terror-free trade agenda. We should give breaks to those countries, particularly in the Middle East, who are trying to — countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan and Iraq that are trying very, very hard to overcome what is an extremist ideology that has tremendous force, even has the force of violence. We should give them special breaks in the way in which we do trade with them because we should engage them more in American commerce. If you've traveled in the Middle East, if you've traveled in these countries, you can see that at the core, even stronger than this call to extremism is a truly entrepreneurial spirit. Countries in the Middle East are made up of people who have been trading and doing business for a lot longer than we even have in the United States of America. They know how to buy things. They know how to sell things. They love to do it and they love to bargain with you. Well, I mean, that reminds me of the shopkeepers I used to bargain with in New York. It's the same thing. We know how to do that. They know how to do that. It's a great connection we can make with them, and we've got to do it aggressively. We've got to do it with exchange programs. We have to do it with a free trade agenda. We have to encourage American businesses to do more business in those parts of the world the way American businesses did more business in the Soviet Union. When we think of the war on terror, please do not think of it as only a military war. It's a massive offensive that involves the aggressive and appropriate use of our military. It involves not being weak the way the Democrats want to make us weak militarily. But it
MR. GIULIANI: But it also means — it's also a war for the minds and hearts of people, and we've got to engage that part of ourselves, too, the educational part, the commercial part, the business part. Let's do business with as many people as want to do business with us. Let's have cultural exchanges with as many people who want to do that. I mean, the reality is if anybody tells you that the core of Islamic thinking or the core of thinking in the Middle East is terrorism is just as wrong. It isn't. The core of thinking in the Middle East and in the Islamic world is exactly the same as the core of thinking in this world. It's about a better life for yourself, a better life for your family, making a little bit more money, having a little bit more opportunity, having stability in your life. And, you know, if we list our best friends in the world right now, right, our closest allies, I guess you'd have to put the U.K., Israel, Australia kind of near the top of that list. But very close to the top of that list are countries like Italy, Japan, Germany. Gosh, we were at war with them, weren't we? We were at war with them in a war where the casualties were monumental in comparison even to Korea, Vietnam, and this war. And that was just two generations ago and now they're our best friends or close to being our best friends or certainly very good friends. Well, America is a country that knows how to make peace even better than it knows how to make war, and we've got to show that side of ourselves as well. The old prescription of Theodore Roosevelt to speak softly but carry a big stick is the advice of a subtle mind that understands that you can do both. You can be militarily strong and at the same time engage people in all of the other things that have to be done that win them over not for your ideas but for the right ideas for them and for the rest of us. So that's basically the foundation of that particular commitment. The foundation of my12 commitments to the American people, which I'm happy to have you read and I'll give you all of these cards if you want. I think I can sum them up in the following: Being on offense against terrorism rather than the Democrats wanting to be on defense, and taking our society and moving it in the direction of more responsibility, more initiative for people. The Democrats want to move it in the direction of bigger government. Pure and simple. I think Republicans and the Republican Party when it plays its historic role and plays it best, what we do is we give people more freedom. We give people more freedom to make choices about their education, we give people more freedom to make choices about their healthcare, we give people more freedom to make choices about their pensions, we give people more freedom to make choices with their money, by lower taxes. And we strive to give people all over the world, including women, more freedom, because we understand that that is a universal right, not just one for Republicans or Democrats but for America. And when we do that, we make a much better world, which is what politics is all about. So I thank you very, very much for your support of the Republican Party. You have a very important battle that has to be conducted here in Michigan literally for whether your economy can start growing again. If you don't get it right and we don't elect Republicans — you know, people ask me from Michigan all the time. I was asked this question about three or four days ago, in anticipation of coming here, by a reporter. The question was, "What can you do for Michigan?" And I said, Dick, "I'd get you a new Governor."
MR. GIULIANI: And it was — but the truth is that if I do all the things that I think I'm going to do, and I do all the things for America that I did for New York, meaning lowering taxes and reducing the size of government and creating a competitive economy and making us more aggressive in dealing with the global economy and putting us in a better position in the whole trade situation, all of which I believe I can do, if Michigan continues to have high taxes and big government and heavy regulations and doesn't make the adjustments that other states have made in which you lower taxes, reduce the size of government, exercise fiscal discipline, then Michigan will not get the benefit of the changes that are made in the rest of America. Right now you're not getting the benefit. You're under-performing the United States. Don't feel bad. New York did that, too. New York under-performed America for 20 or 30 years under Democratic mayors. In other words, when America would grow, we would grow less; when America would decline, we would decline more. The object of good government at the state level is at least to grow as much as the country is growing and to not decline any more than the country is declining. The art of really great governing and great leadership is to improve and to do better than the American standard. It is possible for Michigan to do that. You've got the people to do it. You've got the work ethic to do it. You've got the people of high educational level. You've got a very, very committed workforce. You've got a great state with a great history, but you've got the wrong policies. And to have the right policies, we're going to need the Republican Party to elect people to the Legislature, ultimately to Governor, so we can change those policies. So you're not just fighting for the Republican Party, you're fighting for Michigan.
MR. GIULIANI: Thank you very much and God bless you.
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