New Yorkers' search for gasoline continued today, with some motorists waiting on line for hours for as little as a gallon of petrol as filling stations grappled with supply shortages and power outages in the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy.

“The shortage of gasoline in the New York-metro area has caused major inconveniences for our residents, and the state must take every action possible to address this issue,” Gov. Andrew Cuomo said. “Although there is much work to be done, I have directed the state to temporarily suspend gasoline distribution related requirements so gasoline and other fuels can be transported throughout the region and New Yorkers can return to life as normal as quickly as possible.”

In Brooklyn, drivers roamed the streets, looking for a line to join. Many reported waiting for hours, only to learn that the pumps were empty before they reached the head of the line.

In Bedford-Stuyvesant, the end of the gas line formed at Bedford Avenue and Putnam Street, more than a mile from the Hess station at Bedford and Flushing avenues. The Observer found Carl Wiseheart, a sommelier at Lelabar in Greenwich Village, pushing his blue Vespa down the avenue. He'd been on line for three hours, he said, and had only come three blocks. "I'm running on fumes," he told us—he'd spent four hours yesterday looking for fuel, hoping to drive into Manhattan to pick up his pay. "If I don't get some today, I'm going to leave this on the road somewhere and pick it up next week."

At the BP station at Bedford and Lincoln Place, drivers filled gas cans, water jugs, mop buckets and every other kind of container they could muster, under the watch of a half-dozen police officers. "The mood was sort of mixed," said Richard Rosario, who filled a red five-gallon gas container at the Bed-Stuy filling station. "People were pretty good for the most part, then every now and then it would tense up." And: "My brother-in-law came and wanted to cut the line, and I told him, 'No way, man, you have to be fair.'"

At the Brooklyn Armory, the mood was optimistic. The Department of Defense had sent 5,000-gallon fueling trucks, and National Guard of the 69th Infantry pumped gas—10 gallons per person, and free of charge. In the morning, the trucks were serving automobiles only—and, we heard, only pumping for cars whose gas needles were nearing Empty. But by the time the BP at nearby Bedford and Lincoln closed, the Guard started filling containers: The crowd lining the Armory's outer wall cheered when gas-can carriers got filled, or when police officers sent would-be cutters to the back of the line.

Eren and Ryan Moore had come from Plainview, N.J. to stay with relatives in Brooklyn after losing power during the storm; They queued their car at Classon Avenue and Union Street, and two hours later, had reached the front of line. "Our patience has paid off," Ms. Moore told us. "It's been a lot of frustration, but we're thankful for what we've got."

Still, the political world is buzzing about a forum that saw one candidate keep his cool, another turn into a minor celebrity, and a third get up in the middle to go use the restroom.

In their own words, here is how the candidate's think it went:

Liz notes Jenkins' ties to former governor Eliot Spitzer, but it is worth noting--and it goes unremarked upon in the release--that Jenkins' most recent job was with the attorney general campaign of Eric Schneiderman.

There was widespread speculation after Jenkins' hiring by Schneiderman that the state Senator was a shoo-in for the endorsement of Bronx Democrats. But so far the party has yet to make an endorsement in the AG's race, although Bronx Borough President Ruben Diaz, Jr has backed Richard Brodsky.

Jenkins said that his contract with the Schneiderman campaign was only for a few months, up through the Democratic convention in June. The real question, however, is if Jenkins can convince his new boss to go easy on his old boss. Fred Dicker was out with a piece today that said the Cuomo campaign does not want to see an Attorney General Schneiderman.

After all, it doesn't hurt politically to rail against a system with giant loopholes that effectively allow unlimited soft-money donations to pour in from interested parties, be it the health care lobby, the landlords or the banking industry.

Since 2007, there have been two separate campaign-finance proposals put forth by two separate governors-one of which came close to becoming law, but fell apart amid the troopergate scandal in the Spitzer administration.

So here comes the attorney general, and now candidate-for-governor, Andrew Cuomo, releasing a hefty policy book when officially announcing his campaign over the weekend, and devoting a prominent section to the issue, pledging a major reform.

 "In order to restore trust and accountability in government, we must reform the very foundation of democracy-the ballot box," Mr. Cuomo's 250-page policy tome reads. "Therefore, we must change our antiquated campaign-finance laws. Our current laws amplify the voices of wealthy
individuals and special interests and entrench incumbents at the public's expense."

The principles are clear and ambitious: Reduce limits significantly, close loopholes that allow for soft money, allow for a public financing system of matching funds, and restrict contributions from state contractors and lobbyists.

But it is unclear whether Mr. Cuomo's plan-or, presumably, the plan of his eventual Republican opponent-would go down the same track as every other one during the past 20 years.

"Gubernatorial candidates talk about how to change Albany and one of the top three items is campaign-finance reform," said Dick Dadey, president of Citizens Union, which advocates for such reform. "The fact that it is at the top of his agenda is nothing new," he added, though he noted that Albany's highly visible dysfunction might help, and he praised the specificity in Mr. Cuomo's plan.

Of course, the devil is in those details, and there weren't a lot in Mr. Cuomo's plan. Mr. Cuomo, for instance, pledged to lower limits on donations significantly, but just how much he'd lower them is unclear. He pledged to restrict lobbyists and others who do business with the city, but did not specify just how much they would be restricted.

And, particularly notably, there was no discussion of unions, suggesting they could be exempted from limits. 

"In Cuomo's language, you don't know," said Blair Horner of NYPIRG. "That's a problem. Does it include 501(c)(3)'s? Because that's what unions are. I would hope so. He doesn't highlight it, so a reasonable person could read it and assume that it doesn't. But you just don't know."

This was a major gap in the city's restrictive campaign-finance system, implemented in 2007; it was widely criticized, particularly by those on the other side of unions on many issues (many in the real estate industry, by comparison, are restricted to giving a small fraction of the donations allowed by unions or standard individuals, giving the unions outsize power).

"It just skews the influence of those organizations, and you read about it every day," said Sid Davidoff, a lobbyist who is challenging the city's law for unfairly restricting those who do business with the city.

The good-government types, it seems, are trying to be realistic.

"From my perspective, it's easy to have good ideas, it's hard to get them enacted," said Mr. Horner. "And that's really where the rubber hits the road."

ebrown@observer.com

-Additional reporting by Reid Pillifant

"We will be monitoring those campaign contributions," Assemblyman Peter Rivera, a Bronx Democrat said at the press conference. "We will be putting out a list of organizations and corporations that are supporting Steve Levy, and asking everybody that is within our voice and within our listening, our written word to boycott those individuals and to remind hose individuals that are supporting Steve Levy that they are doing something against the Hispanic community in the State of New York."

"It particularly applies to political donations," Rivera added.

"We're going to take a lesson from the Cuban guys from Miami and what we're prepared to do is to exercise that economic potential that we have here as well as the political one in our voting," said Assemblyman Phil Ramos, a Brentwood Democrat.

This goes further than what the men told me yesterday, when Ramos called Levy "the George Wallace of New York." In a release announcing the press conference, Rivera and Ramos said "Hispanic lawmakers will announce that any supporters of Steve Levy will be considered persona non grata on issues decided by state level lawmakers."

I found Levy after he appeared on Fred Dicker's radio show, and he shot back at Rivera and Ramos.

"They basically were saying, if you were an agency getting money from the state, or seeking money from the state, and you support someone we have a political difference with, we will cut you off," he said. "That is the most arrogant abuse of power that I have seen in 23 years, and that's saying something when it's coming from this cesspool of corruption here in Albany. Someone has to come here with an ax and chop down this tree of corruption. And what's most ironic, is that on the same day that the governor is talking about improving ethics in this political cesspool, we have two assemblymen violating public officers law in threatening residents of New York State who support their political opposition."

"I think that Democrats are well aware that our president, Obama, has set a new tone in this country of healing and unity. I don't think that someone who is considered the George Wallace of New York State should be running our New York State," said Assemblyman Phil Ramos, a Democrat from Brentwood.

Ramos as well as Assemblyman Peter Rivera--a long-serving Latino legislator and former chair of the Black, Puerto Rican Hispanic and Asian Conference--have scheduled a press conference for tomorrow morning to raise concerns about Levy's candidacy, which Rivera told me by phone was a "wake-up call" for Latinos.

"He's governed on the backs of the immigrants and the Latino population," Rivera, a Bronx Democrat, said. "He was Mr. Lou Dobbs, in terms of the Latino population. Now we find they're trying to parlay that into a legitimate candidacy for governor, and I'm not going to permit it."

Over fifty percent of the recent voters in the New York City general election were black, Latino or Asian, Rivera said, and "I will be counting on that 55 percent to vote against Steve Levy. I think there are many ties that bind us. If you look at the black community, there's a growing force in the Jamaican population, and we have traditionally relied and counted on each other for support on many issues, particularly the immigration issues."

Since announcing this weekend he has created an exploratory committee to consider a gubernatorial run, the Suffolk County executive and his aides have ruled out no scenario—not a primary against David Paterson for the Democratic nomination, not a bid for the Republican line, not any other course of action.

"I've always managed as a centrist person who gets it that you have to allow the business community to grow and expand your tax base as well. I'm someone who's fiscally conservative and believes in law-and-order while I'm more socially progressive and moderate, and that's something that resonates to the electorate at large, that type of mixture. I think I do appeal to people across all political parties as I look toward 2010," Levy told Fred Dicker on WGDJ this morning.

Levy has been cross-endorsed in the past by the Republican and Independence parties. He comes from the same county as Frank MacKay, chairman of the statewide Independence Party, who I called to ask about Levy's candidacy.

"Certainly I know and like Steve. We have a relationship, and I've endorsed Steve in the past. He has the name and the resources to explore whatever office he pleases," MacKay told me. "Anybody that we've ever endorsed for any office that's seeking a different office--whether it's a lateral move or a forward move—we'd certainly give an ear to their plan, but without first talking to him I'd be reluctant to comment on what his plans are. I've just heard second-hand that he set up an exploratory committee. The same courtesy is going to the attorney general, Governor Paterson, Tom DiNapoli, and everyone else who might be out there. We want to be fair to everyone."

Domagalski is a booster of Chris Collins, the Erie County executive who has been moving toward a run for governor, but has not declared his candidacy. I asked Domagalski if the endorsement today would affect his thinking.

"I really don't think it has anything to do with his calculation. I haven't talked to the county executive since Mr. Lazio announced it at this party, reportedly," Domagalski just told me by phone. "To me, the Giuliani endorsement of Lazio is old-school politics: one politician endorsing another politician."

"The political climate we're in is different than any one I've ever seen than anyone in history. It's very bottom-up, taxpayer-driven, and people are angry. I don't think one politician endorsing another--even though Rudy's a very significant player, an American hero--it is what it is: one politician endorsing another," Domagalski continued. "Somebody's endorsement won't matter. Mayor Giuliani's endorsed the only person in the race, which is his right, and that's not really going to change Chris's analysis."

Lazio and Giuliani united in their support of Henry Wojtaszek, the Niagara County Republican chairman, in his bid this summer to become the state party chairman. Collins backed Ed Cox, who was successful in his bid. The two men enjoy a close relationship.

Giuliani's endorsement is a blow to the Collins camp--Giuliani is one of the most recognizable Republicans in the state--and he and his surrogates have been hedging.

"Chris is not a candidate yet and has not reached out for anyone's endorsement," Collins' aide Chris Grant told Bob McCarthy. "He wishes the mayor luck in his private sector life."

"When Mayor Giuliani made his endorsement for someone other than Ed Cox, Ed Cox emerged victorious," Grant also said.

Collins' released this statement this morning:

"Rudy and Rick have a long history and this is a nice gesture from the mayor. I wish them both a Merry Christmas, as I do Governor Paterson and Attorney General Cuomo.  It's the holiday season and politics in earnest can wait till next year."

"Interestingly, Paterson's favorability jumped seven points with Republicans and six points with independent voters, while falling three points with Democrats, despite seeing improvement with two significant Democratic constituencies, African American and Jewish voters," said Steve Greenberg, a spokesman for the Siena Research Institute. "His job performance rating is also up slightly but remains an anemic 23 percent positive compared to 76 percent negative."

This reflects Paterson's focus on a message of fiscal toughness and several "community conversations" at black churches in the outer boroughs. He has also been airing campaign advertisements.

At least Paterson's numbers are not continuing to drop. He faces a bruising budget this spring, where he will no doubt be attacked by legislators, unions and other interest groups.

The poll also showed an interesting bifurcation: 23 percent of voters surveyed thought Paterson was doing the best job to resolve the budget crisis, compared to 19 percent who named legislators as doing the best job, but voters support legislators in their rejection of mid-year school cuts by a 59-37 margin.

Politically, Paterson edges Rick Lazio--a Republican who is his only declared opponent--by two points. (This is less than the poll's 3.8 percent margin of error.) Voters still love Paterson's presumptive Democratic opponent, Attorney General Andrew Cuomo. Cuomo has a stratospheric 67 percent approval rating (down slightly from last month) and half the voters surveyed want to see him run for governor.

Fifty-one percent said he has time to wait to declare his candidacy, though.

Below are the cross-tabs from Siena.

SNY121409 Crosstabs

Lazio, who since leaving the House of Representatives has served as JPMorgan's director of global real assets, has raised money from Wall Street in recent months, counting among his contributors John C. Whitehead and Julian Robertson. Wall Street has become a politically dirty term since 2007, when major financial firms led the American economy in a nose dive. (David Paterson, the only declared Democratic candidate for governor, just gave a speech defending the financial services industry.)

"Rick is proud of the work he did at JPMorgan," said Barney Keller, Lazio's spokesman, in a statement. "JPMorgan is known as one of the best managed and best run companies in the world, and Rick is excited about taking his knowledge of the private sector and utilizing it for the benefit of New Yorkers. We need sweeping, fundamental change in Albany if we're ever going to grow jobs and get our economy moving again."

JPMorgan's profits are down this year, predictably, but the firm posted earnings in the third quarter of $3.9 billion. The bank took $25 billion from the TARP program in the fall of 2008, which it announced it paid back in April 2009.

Lazio's $1.3 million bonus was paid early in 2009 for work performed in 2008, when the firm earned $5.6 billion. Lazio took a leave this summer pursuant to his run.

This $1.3 million does not include Lazio's salary from the company; Keller said that will be disclosed when the candidate releases his tax return "at an appropriate time in the future."

Candidates for executive offices in New York—governor, lieutenant governor, comptroller and attorney general—are required to file financial disclosure forms with the Commission on Public Integrity upon their nomination. The form requires candidates to declare a broad category with the amount of bonus received, but the category designations are kept from the public.