All the while, Columbia has gone about the work of creating the most environmentally progressive neighborhood in the entire five boroughs, all from whole cloth.

Last week, the U.S. Green Building Council awarded Columbia’s new campus with LEED ND Platinum, the highest rating in the council's new-ish neighborhood development program. It is only the fifth project in the state to earn such recognition, and the first to achieve LEED ND Platinum. The designation means that the project has embraced the goals of accessibility, density, design and environmental efficiency, creating a model for future development.

"We like to think of it as a three-legged stool: environment, economy, equity," Jason Hercules, director of the LEED ND program, told The Observer. "Manhattanville excelled in all three."

LEED ratings have become a practical necessity for any new development in the city, ranging from university buildings to office towers to luxury condos. Even novel projects, like single-family homes, are pursuing this sheen of green, and thanks to Local Law 86, every new city building achieves the rating as well.

Now, to broaden its influence and further promote dense, sustainable growth throughout the country, the Green Building Council created the LEED ND program. Developers get points for everything ranging from transportation proximity to clean construction practices to the size of the blocks within the development—bigger ones tend to encourage out-of-scale superblocks.

Columbia's Manhattanville plan, created by SOM and Renzo Piano, entered the program five years ago, shortly after the rezoning was approved by the city. "Because of our serious commitment to sustainable design, we wanted this project to be seriously considered from the start," said Joseph Ienuso, senior vice president for facilities. "It’s a very rigorous process, we’ve been working on it five years."

The campus actually served as a pilot project for the council, helping it to refine exactly what criteria would be used to rate other neighborhoods in the program. "Theirs was a project that fit well with the goals of the program," Mr. Hercules said. "It was a shared learning experience." (This involvement had no bearing on Columbia’s receiving of the highest rating, Mr. Hercules said.)

“This is a milestone for Columbia not only because we are building a future in our home community in New York," university president Lee Bollinger said in a statement, "but because we are doing so with a commitment to the best urban planning principles and the highest quality architecture that reflect both the core values of city life and the fundamental need for a more sustainable society."

Manhattanville gets considerable points for many of the factors that make Manhattan and the rest of New York an inherently sustainable place to be, such as compact blocks, diversity of building types and proximity to robust transportation options. Still, Mr. Hercules said these do not guarantee a project scoring well or even making the cut. "Otherwise everything would be LEED certified," he said. "Somethings are easy in New York, others are hard."

Affordable housing is a big one. Critics have complained that there was not enough in the university's plan, and while it could not include any within the project, there is ample faculty housing (cutting down on commutes) as well as a $1 million affordable housing fund that will help seed local projects.

But those features are fairly standard. It is the more innovative commitments that pushed the Manhattanville campus to outperform others, such as a promise to build a minimum of 84 percent of its buildings to high sustainability standards (LEED Silver or above). An innovative below-grade service network, that keeps maintenance and delivery work off the streets, was given favorable marks. The possible inclusion of ferry service from the pier at 125th Street was another highlight, as were job training programs both within the campus and without.

"There’s a balance that needs to be made when new and larger projects come in," Mr. Hercules said, touching on the topic of gentrification that some locals feel remains unaddressed. "But the program considers all of these issues, and we feel this project made steps in the right direction."

One of the most unique features of the Manhattanville project, especially given its size and the fact it will be in progress for decades, is the commitment to clean construction practices. This involves everything from acoustical baffling added to extra-high construction fencing, which combined keep down noise and debris from spreading into the neighborhood, to using low sulfur fuel in the construction equipment. "One thing that’s pretty obvious when you’re at our site is you don’t see the puffs of black smoke you see at a lot of other construction site around the city," Mr. Ienuso said. The equipment is also washed down before leaving the site, so as not to track dust throughout the neighborhood.

"These things may seem small, but they add up," Mr. Ienuso said.

One person who had a hard time doing the math was State Senator Bill Perkins, who represents the Manhattanville neighborhood and has been an outspoken critic of the project. He said while the community might get some ancillary benefits from the LEED recognition, such as cleaner air and maybe a few jobs, it was primarily the university that would be benefiting, this despite the fact that it was community outcry that forced the university to embrace more sustainable practices.

"The neighborhood will be built to a better standard, but the community will not be here to enjoy it," Senator Perkins said. "It's almost like I picked the cotton but you get to wear the shirt."

Two things not factored into the Green Building Council's calculations were the case of eminent domain and the fatal accident this spring. On the issue of eminent domain, Mr. Hercules said it was "one factor among many."

"That’s something that’s somewhat outside the scope of our rating system," he continued. "Obviously, it’s important how a development is going to get control of their site. We obviously wouldn’t encourage anything that would disenfranchise anyone in the community. But once the developer has the property, it’s out roll to encourage a sustainable community."

This would not be the first time the council has overlooked such issues. The first project to ever receive LEED ND, back in 2009 was the city's plans for Willets Point—yet another eminent domain poster child.

mchaban [at] observer.com | @MC_NYC

"These people are pretty sophisticated and well-endowed financially but also may not have known of the place called the Studio Museum in Harlem," said Perkins, a Harlem native who attended the event. "It was a twofer from that point of view. It was, 'Thank you,' and also, 'This is a hip place you might want to check out in the future.'"

Attendees dined at Red Rooster before heading to Studio Museum for the speech, both of which are relatively new and popular venues that reflect Harlem's rising trendiness. Perkins said that the majority of them were big-money donors whose loyalty ran to the early days of the Obama campaign.

"Those folks who were his former supporters would have joined him anywhere, so it wasn't about the money," he said. "It was, strategically speaking, how do you get the most out of it? And I think those folks coming up to the Red Rooster and getting some fine dining while being exposed to a new experience in this historic neighborhood, that's all to the good."

Assemblyman Keith Wright characterized the crowd as a mix of "regular community folks as well as some more well-heeled people," although it's not clear which regular community folks have $30,000 to spend on a speech.

“I thought it was very representative of people from the Harlem community, but it wasn’t just for the Harlem community," Wright said. "It was for all of New York.”

Other Harlem heavies in attendance included Congressman Charlie Rangel, Council member Inez Dickens and former Mayor David Dinkins.

This is not a huge surprise. Rangel remains overwhelmingly popular in Central Harlem, where the 30th State Senate district is located, and there is little upside in angering the neighborhood's biggest political powerbroker. Plus, for years the great political parlor game in Harlem has been who becomes Rangel's chosen successor when the day finally comes that he decides to step aside. Sources in the neighborhood have said all the political players there have been furiously collecting signatures for Rangel this year, anticipating that they do not have much time left to get on the longtime congressman's good side.

The race for the state Senate seat has been quiet for a bit now as attention has focused on Rangel and his troubles. The Perkins campaign has been rolling out endorsements at a steady clip, including the 504 Democratic Club, the League of Conservation Voters, and the Freelancer's Union. Supporters of Perkins, who is a two term incumbent, have noted that despite some early fundraising success from Smikle, the page on his website for endorsements remains blank.

Smikle said he expects to announce some endorsements from individuals and from labor unions in the coming days.

"I've said from the beginning he is going to get the lion's share of endorsements," Smikle said. "I am not going to get into an endorsement war with an incumbent."

"For me, personally, Charlie is a hero, and I want to be able to support a hero," Smikle said. "If anyone has any issue with what Charlie has done they can speak their minds at the polls. I don't think it's appropriate for anyone to be forcing him out of office."

Smikle said that Rangel and former mayor David Dinkins are the reason that he decided to join the Democratic Party, and he dismissed concerns that Rangel's presence in the primary will hurt Democrats nationally--a charge leveled by one of Rangel's congressional opponents, Jonathan Tasini.

"Nationally, Democrats have a lot more going on than Charlie Rangel," he said.

Smikle's comments come as Sen. Chuck Schumer and other senior Democrats have begun to distance themselves from Rangel.

Perkins, Smikle's opponent, has frequently battled the Harlem establishment, and Smikle's supporters have hoped that at the very least Rangel and his fellow Harlem Democrats will refrain from making an endorsement in the race.

Perkins did not return repeated requests for comment.

dfreedlander@observer.com

Smikle, the favorite of the charter school crowd, grabbed close to $146,000 this period. Perkins, by contrast raised $126,000.

Delving further into the numbers reveals some interesting details about one of the most closely-watched Senate primaries this year. Only a little over $5,000 of Smikle's money has come from voters inside his Harlem Senate district. And while he has received some money from charter school advocates--Charles Ledley who serves on the board of Democrats For Education Reform kicked in $5,000, and Harlem Sucess Academy co-founders Joel Greenblatt and John Petry kicked in another $11,000--Smikle also received a lot of money from the real estate industry.

Jordan Barowitz, who works in external affairs for the Durst Organization, gave $200. Eric and William Rudin gave $2,500 each. Mary Ann Tighe of CB Richard Ellis chipped in $2,000. Eric Hadar, a real estate tycoon (his firm built the Citigroup Center) who was busted for cocaine in 2008, sent the campaign $5,000.

That said, Perkins has received far more in union and PAC donations than Smikle has, including over $10,000 from teachers and administrators.

Asked for comment, Kristie Stiles from the Smikle campaign said in an email, "Election day will be the best judge of who has more in-district support."

Richie Fife, Perkins campaign spokesman, agreed, sort of. "Outsiders won't decide who represents this district. We are grateful for the strong support Senator Perkins has, the hundreds of contributions he's received from people in the district and look forward to the voters of the 30th Senate District deciding who will represent them the next two years."

dfreedlander@observer.com

And Perkins is running against City Hall as well, in a sense, since he is opposed by many in the charter school movement, which has received much support from the Mayor.

But Perkins insisted that his race was not a proxy battle between the United Federation of Teachers and charter advocates, or between him and and Bloomberg.

"I think it's more of a litmus test on whether the people of this state are interested in a progressive, reform minded state senator that works hard, that is very visible and very active and has delivered on their behalf. I don't see myself as running against Michael Bloomberg or his ideas, I see myself as running for a constituency that has shared with me very intimately what it is they would like me to do," he said. "[If I win]  my victory then I think sends a message that you can stand up for what your community believes in and deliver on their behalf and to hell with everybody else."

He added that he was not against charter schools, per se, but rather against how they are regulated.

"Clearly the charter movement is playing a role in this candidacy against me. I have taken positions that call for transparency and accountability," he said. "Some people don't like transparency and accountability."

Perhaps because Village Voice staff writer Tom Robbins was present, Perkins also paid tribute to longtime Voice correspondent Jack Newfield, a crusading journalist who died in 2004.

"There is another giant that is not here who I must acknowledge. ... Some of you may know that Jack Newfield was very much a voice in this city ... brought to the forefront for years and years and years the tragedy of lead paint poisoning in our communities. I just always want to remember him, even though he is no longer with us, for the role that he played, the support that he gave in helping us to deal with that very, very critical problem."

I am not sure I have ever seen a politician speak this warmly of a journalist, living or dead. And for what it is worth, Newfield's memoir, Somebody's Gotta Tell It, is one of the great books about New York journalism.

He's up for re-election this year, so it's not really a good time for this.

But Perkins has one thing going for him--he has the support of Rep. Charlie Rangel.

It's particularly noteworthy because Perkins was reportedly considering running for Rangel's seat. Also, a few allies of Rangel are considering challenging Perkins--for example Rodney Capel, who is the son of Rangel's top aide, Jim Capel.

Kevin Wardally, a consultant for Rangel, confirmed his support for Perkins, saying the congressman "always" supports incumbents for re-election.

Normally, I would say let the investigation run its course.  However, these are not normal times.

The state is in the midst of a fiscal crisis. A leadership crisis.  And there is a crisis of confidence in government. 

I believe it is a time for honesty.  And I believe David Paterson knows better than anyone else how this investigation will end. 

He knows what is being investigated and he knows what’s at stake. He knows what he did, who he talked to.  He knows under whose order the State troopers contacted this woman.

If the investigation turns out the way many suspect, his resignation is almost inevitable.

If that is the case, then it is in the best interest of the people of New York for him to cut bait now. 

If he knows, as I believe he does, what exactly will be revealed in the course of the investigation and if it is, unfortunately as is suspected, then for the sake of the people of the state, why go through this investigation and the turmoil that will be a part of it.

Wonder how that theme is going over on the second floor of the capitol in Albany right now.

One consultant, specifically: AKRF, the New York–based firm that has established itself as the unchallenged king of environmental review in the city and state, dominating the field of government contracts.  

The source of angst for Mr. Perkins is Columbia University's proposed 17-acre expansion into West Harlem and the state development agency's selection of AKRF to do a blight study. The blight study is a necessary step for eminent domain in the project, though the state's selection of AKRF has taken significant heat from the courts, which recently dealt the school a tremendous blow by blocking the use of eminent domain for the expansion. Among other factors, the use of AKRF was cited as a concern given that Columbia also used the firm to do its environmental review (the state intends to appeal the ruling).

In a hearing called by Mr. Perkins on Tuesday, the Harlem senator harped on this issue, ridiculing the state's development agency for its constant reliance on AKRF, which has done most every blight study that officials were aware of for the agency, while also doing work for private developers.

"That's an Achilles heel in terms of the public perception of the fairness of this process," said Mr. Perkins, who has taken up the issue of eminent domain reform as one of his priorities.

A sampling of the testimony:

Mr. Perkins [on AKRF]: Have they ever come back with a determination that was, from your point of view, not blighted?

Anita Laremont, Empire State Development Corporation counsel: No.

Mr. Perkins: Have they ever given you a determination that you could prove was not blighted?

Ms. Laremont: No.

Mr. Perkins: So from your point of view, they're 100 percent blight?

The dual use of AKRF for environmental review and blight studies has happened before, notably in the Atlantic Yards development in Brooklyn, though it was criticized repeatedly by the courts in the case of Columbia, which said AKRF's objectivity could be compromised. The firm does millions of dollars a year in work for the city and state, winning most every large environmental review contract that seems to get awarded. Professionals in the field typically have good things to say about their work, but there is little competition for such work.

The ESDC, however, made clear it wants to maintain the ability to use AKRF, regardless of whether it has been hired by the developer.

Ms. Laremont said that AKRF was far and away the best firm to do blight studies, and thus it is the agency's firm of choice for the no-bid contract awards.

"AKRF is, within New York City, the most qualified firm to do this work, so that would be our starting point." Ms. Laremont said.

"We have an obligation of fiduciary responsibility in carrying out our projects," she continued, "to get the best product that we can because we understand that our projects will be challenged legally, so we need documentation to support the determinations that we have made."

This last point, however, seems a bit curious in the case of Columbia given that the university is reimbursing the state agency for its expenses related to the project. (In the end, ESDC brought in another firm, Earth Tech, to do an audit of sorts of AKRF's work.)

I've put out a request to AKRF to comment, though the firm has previously said that its blight studies are objective work, implying they would not be compromised by opinions.

It gave The Times this quote: "As a firm of planners and analysts, AKRF's responsibility is the collection and assessment of data in an objective and thorough manner. Our analyses help inform a public decision-making process. They are not advocacy documents."

But regardless of whether a blight study firm serves two masters, there might be more structural issues at hand. Much like credit-rating agencies, firms that do blight studies are paid by those who want favorable ratings: The state only brings on a firm to do a blight study when it wants a finding of blight, an implied disincentive for any firm that might repeatedly fail to find blighted conditions.

And the bluster over AKRF might be quibbling over details: The standard of what constitutes blight, a necessary step for eminent domain in economic development projects, is very low. It would not take a biased firm to find the few cracked sidewalks and vacant apartments needed to show "blight," at least based on the definition of the term that has typically been upheld by the courts in New York State.

ebrown@observer.com