Two weeks after Ms. Rice lost the Democratic primary, Mr. Trump bet $5,000 on the Republican candidate for attorney general, Dan Donovan, a social conservative who was being advanced by Mayor Michael Bloomberg. Two weeks after that donation, Mr. Trump hedged the bet and gave $12,500 to Mr. Donovan's opponent, Eric Schneiderman, who had positioned himself as the most-left-leaning candidate in a field of progressive Democrats, running on a platform of staunch support for gun control, organized labor, and a woman's right to choose. (Last week, Mr. Trump said he became pro-life "years ago.")

Mr. Schneiderman turned out to be the jackpot, winning with 55 percent of the vote.

Mr. Trump's habit of making high-roller bets in a given race isn't new, and his New York donations seem to favor gambling on the candidate with the best odds at the expense of any deep-seated political convictions. Since 1999, Mr. Trump has given nearly $400,000 to New York Democrats and a little less than $200,000 to New York Republicans--a contradiction that Mr. Trump will have to address if he actually hopes to convince Republican primary voters that he's one of them.

But in New York, some are defending Mr. Trump's pragmatic donor philosophy. "There's nothing wrong with that," said Carl Paladino, the Buffalo real estate developer and last year's Republican gubernatorial nominee, who like Mr. Trump was criticized for contributing to Democrats like Hillary Clinton and Chuck Schumer, who are generally considered anathema to most die-hard Republicans. "I have to agree with him on that. You give money to people who are going to go out there and do that job," said Mr. Paladino. "Republican, Democrat--it doesn't matter. I had them throwing that at me, too; same crap." Mr. Paladino easily won the G.O.P. nomination despite these and other controversies.

"You can accuse me of the same thing. I'm a New York businessman," said John Catsimatidis, the billionaire supermarket magnate who donated heavily to Bill and Hillary Clinton, as well as to Republicans. "I support both sides, too. So, am I a Democrat? Am I a Republican? I'm the same businessman Donald Trump is."

(Mr. Catsimatidis is also embracing Mr. Trump's other policies, including expressing skepticism over President Obama's citizenship. "I probably believe that he is a citizen," Mr. Catsimatidis said, but he speculated there is "probably something on the birth certificate he doesn't want people to know about ... Maybe the birth certificate says he's a Muslim and he doesn't want people to know about it.")

In the 2006 AG's race, Mr. Trump donated $20,000 to the coffers of Republican Jeanine Pirro, a few months before he started giving to Andrew Cuomo, who went on to win, with a little more than $20,000 in Mr. Trump's cash.

In March of 2008, with control of the State Senate suddenly up for grabs, Mr. Trump gave $50,000 to the Senate Republican Campaign Committee, which was trying desperately to retain a thin majority. But, a few months later, he also gave $55,000 to the State Democratic Committee, whose party still controlled the Assembly and the governor's mansion.

Throughout 2009, even after officially registering as a Republican, Mr. Trump kept giving to Mr. Cuomo's ostensible reelection bid, while also sprinkling money on David Paterson's gubernatorial campaign--with a $5,000 donation in January of 2010, just before the governor's prospects finally imploded. (After that, it was all Cuomo.)

A top adviser to Mr. Trump, Michael Cohen, referred questions to Mr. Trump's main office. A message left there was not returned.

One Democrat who received a donation from Mr. Trump--Democratic Brooklyn Borough President Marty Markowitz--said he recalled facing off against the young real estate tycoon when he was managing his father's property's in southern Brooklyn.

"His father wouldn't meet with us," said Mr. Markowitz--then an organizer with the Flatbush Tenants Council. He said he met the younger Trump only a handful of times, but recalled, "He was charming and tough-assed."

But even those who share common ground with Mr. Trump question his electability, particularly when much of his public persona consists of relieving people of their employment on national television in the midst of a recession. "Anyone who has that smirk on their face when they fire people on TV," said Mr. Paladino of his fellow real estate developer-turned-Tea Party stalwart, "I think that leaves a lasting impression on people."

apaybarah@observer.com

The three men posed for photos with supporters and shook the hands of commuters, urging them to vote once they arrived home in their district.

"I think Staten Island is going to have a record turnout, a record vote, it looks that way right now," Giuliani said.

Giuliani stuck to the talking points, stressing Donovan and Grimm's distance from the existing problems.

"They are both outsiders in a time in which people want to get rid of incumbents," he said. "[Grimm's] opponent McMahon is part of the problem in Washington. He's part of the Pelosi problem: creating higher debt, higher taxes, a failed health care system. I think people want to throw them out."

Grimm was very optimistic about his chances of winning.

"I think the likelihood has gone from 'most likely' to 'we're going to take this home and were going to win by a big margin.' I'm expecting a very big win tonight," Grimm said. "The momentum is there, people in the streets are excited, the turnout has already been big this morning. "

Donovan is in one of the tightest statewide races, with polls putting he and his Democratic opponent, Eric Schneiderman, essentially even. Schneiderman has been campaigning steadily alongside Cuomo, but Donovan emphasized that doesn't mean that Scheniderman will get the same support as the top of the ticket. Donovan cited the support he received from former Mayor Ed Koch, Mayor Michael Bloomberg, and the trade unions--who crossed party lines to endorse both he and Cuomo.

"I think the voters are so smart that they vote for each race independently, and they look at who they're going to vote for for governor and then they decide look for who they're going to vote for for attorney general," Donovan said.

Giuliani said that the attorney general race is another case of an outsider hoping to move in.

"He's running against an Albany politician. We've got to get rid of the Albany politicians," Giuliani said. "We've got to get rid of Schneiderman, we've got to get rid of DiNapoli. We've got to get Dan Donovan and Harry Wilson. And then we'll have some outsiders in Albany then who maybe can fix the place."

"If we don't have Eric Schneiderman, you're basically going to retire that [Attorney General's] office from service. His opponent literally says, 'I don't want to be the sheriff of Wall Street.' What do you mean, you don't want to be the sheriff of Wall Street? The job description is: you're the sheriff of Wall Street. If you don't want the job, don't run for the job," Cuomo said in a line touted by the Schneiderman campaign.

The statement comes as Cuomo only tepidly endorsed Schneiderman days after the September primary.  Schneiderman meanwhile has emphasized his similarities to the former attorney general in many of his policy statements. The two are slated to appear together at a rally in Queens later this afternoon.

Yesterday's Siena poll has Cuomo beating Republican candidate Carl Paladino by a big margin, while Schneiderman's opponent, Republican Dan Donovan, has picked up seven points in the two weeks, making the AG race a tie.

Democrats all over the state have been campaigning together in an effort to stress the importance of voting for a straight Democratic ticket.

The Uniformed Firefighters Association and the Uniformed Fire Officers Association- who represent over 22,000 individuals involved in fire rescues- both announced their support for the Democrat's bid.

"Eric understands the difficult and dangerous job performed by New York's firefighters," said UFA president Steve Cassidy.

The latest Siena poll, released last Wednesday, declared the AG race to be the closest state-wide race with Schneiderman ahead of his Republican opponent Dan Donovan by seven points.

The bulk of public safety officer's endorsements have gone to Donovan, and Schneiderman used the opportunity of the endorsement to tout his own public safety bonafides.

"It is a great honor to be endorsed by New York's true heroes who put their lives on the line everyday to keep us safe," he said. "As Attorney General, I will crack down on crime wherever it occurs and vow to keep New Yorkers safe."

The endorsement comes rather late in the race, as the firefighters unions initially backed Schneiderman's primary challenger Sean Coffey. While the groups tend to stick with the Democrats in their endorsements, they will back Republicans occasionally.

The Donovan campaign accused Schneiderman of being in the pocket of the teacher's union. Schneiderman shot back that Donovan had looked the other way on public corruption.

Donovan's press secretary Virginia Lam released a statement taking swipes at Schneiderman's record on education from his 12 years in the legislature.

"Simply look at Eric's record, of being a wholly owned subsidiary of teachers' union leadership," said Donovan spokeswoman Virginia Lam.

Lam argued that Schneiderman's record in the state Senate is one of siding with the UFT instead of parents and students.

"New York's parents will not take another Albany Insider who is captive to the powerful special interests that place a chokehold on our state," she said. "Eric Schneiderman's long history of doing the bidding of union leadership hurts parents, students, taxpayers and teachers themselves, who are forced to defend the ones who should be in a different profession."

Schneiderman pivoted off of the news yesterday that Manhattan district attorney Cy Vance  announced that he would form a public corruption unit in his office. Donovan has said that rooting out public corruption would be a priority as attorney general.

"The obvious question is this: why has he failed to try a single public corruption case as DA, or even set up a public corruption unit like his Manhattan counterpart?" said Schneiderman spokesman James Freedland in a press release.

Wednesday's Siena poll puts Democrat Eric Schneiderman seven points ahead of Republican Dan Donovan in the race for Attorney General, with one pollster calling it a "barn burner".

The most recent numbers show a closing gap between the two candidates, as a Sept. 23 poll had Schneiderman 13 points ahead of the Staten Island prosecutor.

Siena pollster Stephen Greenberg predicts that the outcome will be a matter of geography and name recognition, with neither candidate controlling either category.

"Donovan is winning upstate by 12 points, Schneiderman is winning in New York City by more than 30 points and the battleground appears to be the suburbs, where Schneiderman has the narrowest of three-point leads," Greenberg said in the report. "The difference is that while Schneiderman is unknown to about half of the likely voters, Donovan remains unknown to about two-thirds of voters."

Take a look

Both Abrams and Schneiderman made the choice issue central in their remarks today, with Abrams touting his record of bringing cases against those who impeded access to health centers where abortions were performed, and bringing litigation against Operation Rescue, a pro-life group that harasses pro-choice proponents.

"It is important to have in the office of attorney general someone who is sensitive to [the abortion] issue, understands that there is a threat and is ready to utilize all of the powers of the office to keep Roe v. Wade and a woman's right-to-choose right there for all the women in the state of New York," Abrams said.

"I will never stop fighting to protect a woman's right to choose, and as the attorney general has just stated, the attorney general of the state of New York plays a critical role in effecting freedom of choice," Schneiderman said. "On my watch I will be every bit as aggressive and every bit as creative as Bob Abrams was...in defending freedom of choice."

Donovan has said that he is personally pro-life, but that he will enforce the laws of the state. His campaign has called the abortion question settled law and a non-issue for the attorney general.

Schneiderman was also asked if he thought that the attorney general's office should investigate Vito Lopez, the Brooklyn Democratic powerbroker who is being investigated by city and federal officials for alleged corruption involving his non-profit.

"I can't comment on that. Because there may be an investigation going on right now. I don't know. I don't know. Certainly the news is troubling."

UPDATE:

The Schneiderman campaign quickly emailed after this posting went live to point out that previously Schneiderman has said he would investigate Lopez if the facts warrented it.

This morning, Staten Island DA Dan Donovan responded to accusations of a weak response to a series of leaked racist and pornographic emails, sent by ticket mate Carl Paladino. Donovan said that even though he hadn't seen the emails, he definitely didn't condone them.

This afternoon, his campaign manager Marcus Reese released a statement with stronger language, emphasizing Donovan's record of championing diversity:

"Let's make the record clear: Dan Donovan condemns any form of anti-Semitism, prejudice and/or discrimination against any race, creed, color or religion.  But unlike State Senator Schneiderman, an expert in the ways of talking the talk without walking the walk, Dan Donovan has an actual record that proves his claims."

He then likened racial attacks from the Schneiderman camp to the kind of race baiting used in civil rights-era Alabama politics, not forgetting to accuse the Schneiderman camp of not walking the diversity walk:

"A few final questions for Team Schneiderman: Recent reports indicate you have hired a number of new people to your team, are any of them people of color?  Is there anyone of color among your senior staffers?"

Shortly after, the Schneiderman camp responded with a similar claim of being above the whole thing, comparing Donovan tactics to those used by McCain in the 2008 presidential election:

"Is it Eric Schneiderman's fault that Dan Donovan said he couldn't say whether comparing an orthodox Jew to the antichrist was offensive? ... We will put up Eric Schneiderman's record on and commitment to racial justice and equality for all up against Dan Donovan's any day of the week and win every time."

Look forward then, to 39 more days of this.

At the earlier WNYC debate, back when Rice and Schneiderman were still fighting for the nomination, Schneiderman touted the fact that he alone among the candidates had endorsed Gustavo Rivera, who has since ousted Pedro Espada.

Rice said that she, as a sitting district attorney, was forbidden from making endorsements, even though she had previously endorsed Francisco Moya in his race against Hiram Monserratte.

"All 62 D.A.'s throughout the state are independently elected officials and they are entitled to make decisions about who they endorse and who they don't endorse," Rice said.

Rice added that because she would have no investigatory powers over Schneiderman, there was no conflict. She also clarified that she did not endorse Rivera because she was not asked to.

Republican attorney general candidate Dan Donovan did dodge a question about Republican gubernatorial nominee Carl Paladino, by saying that as a D.A. he was forbidden from endorsing.

Many people assumed that Donovan was just dodging the question, but as it turns out he is correct.

According to the District Attorney Association of the State of New York, "District Attorney and assistants shall not...Endorse candidates, except that Assistant District Attorneys shall be permitted to engage in political activity in support of the re-election of the District Attorney by whom they are employed."

For what it's worth, District Attorneys also can not be a member of a political club or speak at a political event. And there are serious crimps on their fundraising.

Says the DAASNY: "District Attorneys must regularly submit their record of performance to the electorate. The District Attorney is therefore involved directly in the political process. Thus, it is reasonable and proper for District Attorneys and members of their staffs to engage in activities that do not compromise their office's efficiency or integrity or interfere with the professional responsibilities and duties of their offices."

District Attorneys can however attend political events and contribute money, and, the association notes, are encouraged to run on multiple lines.

Not sure that this code of ethics has the full force of law, but you can read it for yourself here.

It isn't just an "ego thing," as one Democratic consultant put it, although there's certainly that. Nor is it an abstract question of whether Mr. Cuomo goes into office with a popular mandate, for whatever that's worth. More important than any of that, at least for Democrats not named Cuomo, is whether the guy at the top of the ticket will have the appeal, and willingness, to pile up the sorts of margins around the state that will allow down-ticket Democrats in marginal districts to survive the election.

"I think it's extremely important," said Senator Kirsten Gillibrand of Mr. Cuomo's popularity. In 2006, she became the first Democrat in nearly three decades to win in the 20th Congressional District, thanks to the help of Eliot Spitzer's blowout victory over John Faso in that year's race for governor. This year, her successor, Scott Murphy, is trying desperately to hold the seat.

Ms. Gillibrand called Mr. Cuomo a "problem solver" and "someone who can certainly cross party lines."

"He's got a real agenda for creating jobs and giving opportunity and hope to our families, and I think that makes a difference in a district like my old district," she said.

It's not clear this year that voters will be inclined to vote straight party lines, but it will be up to Mr. Cuomo to draw Democrats and Democratically inclined independents to the polls, particularly in parts of the state that don't have any particularly competitive down-ballot elections happening.

"The turnout is key. People aren't voting straight party lines necessarily," said pollster Lee Miringoff, who directs the Marist Institute of Public Opinion. "If the Democratic turnout is a little depressed, then down-ballot Republicans might stem the tide in New York, which is the opposite of the national tide. The recipe of the electorate might be a little more Republican."

Back in 2006, Mr. Spitzer walloped Republican John Faso, with 69 percent of the vote to Mr. Faso's 29 percent. The 40-point margin--helped along by considerable national anger at a Republican White House and a Republican Congress--moved Democrats a few steps closer to capturing the State Senate, and re-colored three Congressional districts from red to blue.

Two years later, drafting behind President Obama, Democrats swung another three House seats, followed by two special-election wins, reducing the once-proud Republican delegation to a mere two seats. Now, a number of those recent additions find themselves in races where a few points could make a considerable difference: Mr. Murphy, Michael Arcuri, Bill Owens and Dan Maffei upstate; John Hall in Westchester; and, to a slightly lesser extent, Michael McMahon on Staten Island and Tim Bishop on Long Island. 

"The way you win a statewide election by a large margin as a Democrat is twofold," said one Democratic consultant. "You have to maximize turnout in New York City, and then you have to win the areas that were traditionally viewed as being Republican but, quite frankly, have voted for Democrats in recent elections."

So far, the bulk of Mr. Cuomo's public campaigning has taken place in traditionally Republican areas upstate, where the attorney general recently rambled through on two summer RV tours, and where the Democratic Party hopes his coattails can help maintain shaky Democratic majorities in both the State Senate--where the party holds a wobbly one-vote edge--and the U.S. House.

The high-water mark for Democratic encroachment--at least geographically--remains Senator Chuck Schumer's 2004 campaign, when he swept 61 of the state's 62 counties. (Hamilton County--population 5,000--was the lone holdout.)

And while that kind of domination is likely to elude either Democrat in such an anti-establishment year--with plenty of voter anger now directed at President Obama, instead of President Bush--Mr. Cuomo has outlined a sort of Schumer-esque, middle-of-the-road agenda that appears to be squarely targeted at the frustrated swing voter. And while it remains to be seen how many Republican votes he can actually convert, his centrist platform appears to be at least palatable to those statewide Republicans who aren't directly running against him.

In a breezy corridor of City Hall Park on Monday afternoon, after a glowing endorsement from Mayor Bloomberg, Harry Wilson--the Republican candidate for comptroller--was asked about a New York Post report that morning, in which unnamed sources floated the possibility Mr. Wilson might cross party lines to support Mr. Cuomo's bid for governor.

"When it comes to issues like endorsements, I've really not been engaged," Mr. Wilson demurred, though his spokesman had conceded to the Post that he was "in general agreement with Cuomo's fiscal reforms."

And that morning, the Daily News had its own item about emissaries of Mr. Bloomberg trying to curry Mr. Cuomo's favor for the Republican candidate for attorney general, Staten Island District Attorney Dan Donovan--on the grounds that Mr. Donovan would be a more reliable ally than some in his own party.

"He's promoting ideas that from a fiscal point of view are easy for Republicans to support--capping taxes, trying to control spending, rein in the size of government," said Mike McKeon, a former Pataki aide (and registered lobbyist) who is spearheading Republicans for Cuomo. "All those are great ideas that I think have great appeal to Republicans."

And, with any luck, that appeal will be reflected in the final margin.

"I hope so. That's what we're all working for," said Mr. McKeon. "If he was promoting a wildly liberal, Working Families Party-style agenda, I don't think there'd be any Republicans coming to his side no matter how clear his victory was going to be in November."

Mr. McKeon was speaking one day after Mr. Cuomo accepted the nod of the Working Families Party, which--in the interest of its own survival--swallowed hard and "proudly" backed Mr. Cuomo's agenda on Sunday afternoon, after he issued a public ultimatum that the party accept his entire package as a condition for the privilege of nominating him as their standard-bearer.

But while the WFP and other unions accede to Mr. Cuomo's seeming inevitability, it is unclear exactly how much enthusiasm they will care to muster for a platform of property tax caps and pension reform, measures that have long been anathema to public-sector unions. Unless the unions are sufficiently motivated by other Democratic candidates, Mr. Cuomo's hardball could keep a reliable bloc of downstate Democratic voters away from the polls.

Meanwhile, the field operation constructed by President Obama--whose administration had encouraged Mr. Cuomo's run against a pre-implosion David Paterson--is now doing its best to make sure Democratic voters turn out for him. In August, Organizing for America sent out an email to its supporters that was entirely focused on Albany, decrying the state's dysfunction and championing Mr. Cuomo as a pillar of reform.

"Will you join his campaign?" the email asked, with a link to Mr. Cuomo's Web site.

But while Mr. Cuomo positions himself as the man to clean up the statehouse, it is an open question whether anger at Albany trumps anger at Washington.

"I think the Congressional races, for a lack of a better term, are neighborhood races; they're very different than a statewide race," said one Republican operative who is advising a House candidate and didn't seem particularly bothered by Mr. Cuomo's current poll numbers. "Right now, from the Congressional standpoint, people are pissed off about Congress. Congress has lower ratings than just about anybody."

And there's always the possibility that voters opt for discontent, in the form of both Mr. Cuomo and Republican challengers.

"The attack is on Albany; it's not about anything else in New York. It's about those in power, and so long as he can position himself as the guy who people should be anxious to see in power because he'll clean up whatever problem there is, his numbers will continue to move," said veteran Democratic consultant Hank Sheinkopf.

But there's no guarantee he'll move the numbers for the Democrats beneath him on the ballot line.

"The era of tickets is over. People are voting on candidates and they're voting on the feeling of the moment as it pertains to those candidates. Tickets don't matter this year," he said. "Andrew Cuomo's popularity is significant and deep, and it will succeed in electing Andrew Cuomo."

rpillifant@observer.com