In front of a sign that featured Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. peering at the organization's logo was a wooden podium where, minutes earlier, Mr. Sharpton introduced the biggest guest he had ever welcomed. MSNBC hosts Chris Matthews and Ed Schultz were talking to Bertha Lewis, a housing advocate and founding member of the Working Families Party. A few feet away, former Tennessee congressman Harold Ford Jr. dug into his pockets for a business card to hand out to a man in a suit, before quickly making his way on to the next conversation. Several feet away, Earvin "Magic" Johnson was swarmed by a crowd of photograph seekers, which he patiently obliged. Mr. Simmons seemed to take no notice of the pandemonium, since he was engrossed in his own conversation with two gentlemen. Nearby, in a front-row table, NFL legend-turned-actor Jim Brown sat undisturbed.

For some politicos, the image of the "no-drama" president together with the reverend-whose career, at one point, seemed to have been foreshadowed in the pages of The Bonfire of the Vanities-was unexpected.

The one person who didn't find it unusual was Mr. Sharpton. "I never turn down a front page," he said in a recent interview, referring to the covers of both the New York Post and the New York Daily News, depicting him shaking hands with the president, "but I was like, why is this such a surprise to everybody?"

Throughout the four-day-long affair, Mr. Sharpton laid out an argument for reelecting Mr. Obama, often with top Obama aides looking on-including David Axelrod, one of Mr. Obama's top strategists. Before introducing Mr. Axelrod, Mr. Sharpton had a few words for his audience, with whom he was slightly disappointed. Referring to the "shellacking" Democrats took in the 2010 midterm elections, Mr. Sharpton said, "What happened was you was home. Now, everybody wants the president to come in like Superman to undo what we should have helped protect in the first place." He jokingly suggested they have a "national practice day" for voting, but quickly warned them about the dire need to show up at the polls. "Many black mayors went down because their percentage remained the same but the amount went down," he said. "We got to have turnout." Preemptively, Mr. Sharpton addressed the dissatisfaction among those considered to be Mr. Obama's base: voters who are African-American, living in cities and facing the brunt of the economic recession. To them, the message was clear: Stick with the president, and be patient. Change is coming, eventually.

"The boycott in Montgomery was in '55," Mr. Sharpton reminded the crowd. "They ain't got the Civil Rights Act until '64. Nine years later. Nothing ever happens the next day or the next year."

The introduction Mr. Sharpton gave the president was even more forceful. "He came into office when we had great challenges," said Mr. Sharpton. "And what many people have conveniently forgot is that this president took this nation from where it had never been in most of our lifetimes and put it back on a solid course, and now we forget where it was and where he has brought us. And some of us who are the most pained are being asked to make the most sacrifices and then are being demagogued into blaming him for standing up for all of us, and we are not going to be used like that." The crowd cheered.

Mr. Obama, whom Mr. Sharpton introduced as the "servant in chief," a Biblical reference, was wearing a nearly identical suit to Mr. Sharpton's (black jacket, black pants, white shirt, black-and-white tie) and borrowed some of the talking points that had just been delivered. "And as Reverend Al said, some folks have amnesia about this," said Mr. Obama, referring to the economic crisis handed to him by the outgoing Republican administration.

After Mr. Obama concluded his remarks, Mr. Sharpton waded into the audience. When asked if he'll start to play a larger role in advocating for Mr. Obama, Mr. Sharpton wrinkled his nose and shook his head. "No, not at all," he said. "I have no intention in taking on a wider role in his campaign at all."

But not everyone sees it that way. "There's no question about the fact that Reverend Sharpton will campaign loud and clear for Obama, in the community and all over the country," said attorney Sanford Rubenstein, a mainstay at Mr. Sharpton's rallies. "Sharpton says a lot of times that people have got to take their path. And there's a path for Sharpton to take in this campaign, and that's the path to energize the base." The next day, as Mr. Obama and Mr. Sharpton graced the cover of the city's major tabloids, those within Mr. Sharpton's organization were basking in their newfound glory.

The significance of the moment was reinforced in subsequent talks. "The National Action Network is operating at a new brand after our celebration last night with the president," said the chairman of the group's board, Dr. W. Franklin Richardson, speaking before a panel on organized labor. "Not only with the president. All day yesterday we had four of the cabinet members, including the attorney general, the secretary of education, the secretary of HUD, the political adviser to the president. Today we have two members of the cabinet, secretary of labor and secretary of health and human services."

The power in the room had Dr. Richardson feeling heady about Mr. Sharpton's new standing. "Our president, Al Sharpton, is the leading voice in America for African-Americans," he said. "Undisputed. That can not be disputed. That's not debated."

Norman Seabrook, the president of the Correction Officers' Benevolent Association, said the president's appearance at the organization sent a clear message about Mr. Sharpton's role on the national stage.

"[Mr. Obama] showed you the vehicle last night," said Mr. Seabrook. "Al Sharpton was your vehicle. So you give your grievance to Al and say, 'Al, go on to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue and take our agenda forward.'" Mr. Seabrook implored the attendees to "use the vehicles that you have that make it work for you. You use the vehicles that you have."

But Mr. Sharpton was somewhat coy about being that vehicle. "There's some people who want a permanent place as the ones having access. It had nothing to do with the community," he said.

On Friday, Mr. Sharpton was accompanied by two men in dark suits, part of his security detail, who walked on either side of him during his stroll down the hallway. They hovered around him during our brief interview. He had just finished his daily radio show and was juggling the demands of the last few panel discussions, as well as those of being a celebrity, posing for photographs with well-wishers.

"In many ways, part of the reason why I could identify with [the president] even though we are so much unalike, or dissimilar," said Mr. Sharpton, "is the crowd that was attacking him for not being black enough was attacking me for being too black. Because it was about them, it was never about our people."

Those unnamed critics that stymied his own presidential ambitions in 2004 weren't the only ones Mr. Sharpton felt stood in his way.

"I think that they always, some in the media, always perceived me more as someone who would not engage in the process more than I ever was. And they forget that I ran for office. I ran for Senate in '92, I ran for mayor. So why wouldn't I be involved in the electoral process?" He added, "Why don't they just admit, maybe we didn't understand what he was saying in the first place?"

            apaybarah@observer.com

At National Action Network this morning, from left to right:

New York City Public Advocate Bill de Blasio's Director of Community Affairs, Kirsten Foy [title fixed]; Independent Party strategist Jackie Salit; 1199 SEIU President George Gresham; former Tennessee congressman and semi-Senate candidate in New York, Harold Ford Jr.; AFSCME Secretary-Treasurer Lee Saunders; and the city corrections officers union president, Norman Seabrook.

Al Sharpton is starting off his annual Action Network conference with a panel discussion about politics, asking panelists what's the most pressing issue in the 2012 presidential campaign.

Former Tennessee Congressman Harold Ford Jr., said it's about jobs, the debt and external factors.

Politically, the landscape is trickier for the president, he said. Although Republicans "at this point have no viable candidate," Ford said, "Republicans are going to rally around our candidate" the way Democrats did around George W. Bush in 2008.

New York Times columnist Charles Blow said it's about "security." Feeling secure in your homes (mortgages, foreclosures), in your neighborhoods (aggressive police tactics) in your pocketbook (the economy) and in your country (immigration).

Blow said the Tea Party movement, is fueled by people who feel insecure and who are acting out.

Political consultant Roberto Ramirez said immigration can't be overlooked. Kirsten Foy, a top aide with the Natiional Action Network who also works for the NYC Public Advocate, said there is an "assault from the right" on just about everyone.

The upcoming presidential campaign is really is about "stopping our ability to organize forever, in this country." Foy added, "it's about attacking all people of color in this country forever" and "it's us versus them, rich versus poor." 

Earlier in the week Henry Kissinger came in with Jane Hartley (Ralph Schlosstein's lovely wife). I don't know what they were doing together, but they were holding hands. Then at the end of their lunch, Mr. Kissinger leaned over and said to me, "Can you please call Pete Peterson and tell him that I am having a very amorous lunch with Jane Hartley." They have some little joke going—they both love her. It was very amusing. Harold Ford Jr. was also eating with a married woman. He came in with Jerry Speyer's beautiful wife, Katherine Farley.

Thursday was all money. The whole financial world came—Larry Fink, Steve Schwarzman, Joe Perella, Ralph Schlosstein, Pete Peterson. The only person missing was the chief of Goldman Sachs! You basically don't need to seat anyone on days like that because they all automatically go to their own table. Steve Rattner was back from vacation. He looks better than ever, 10 years younger. I think it's because he's doing what he loves.

Matthew Bronfman ate with two gentlemen at a banquette on Friday, right next to Beth Rudin DeWoody, who was lunching with the brand-new president of the New School, David Van Zant. At a nearby table, former Goldman Sachs partner Henry Cornell dined with associates. He now operates a winery in Napa Valley. His wine is outstanding!

And Clinton crony Vernon Jordan dined with Don Marin. I don't know why President Obama didn't pick him for chief of staff. I would like to have a chief of staff like Vernon Jordan. Can you imagine how many attractive women there would be in the administration?

Julian Niccolini is the co-owner of the Four Seasons restaurant in Manhattan.

First was the recent introduction of Javier Hernandez, who had been covering business. He's now in City Hall. Most recently, he wrote a story about how a fight over transparency web sites proposed by Christine Quinn and Bill de Blasio is, really, jockeying for the 2013 mayor's race.

Hernandez--whose Twitter feed is worth following--joins prolific City Hall bureau chief David Chen.

Another change at the bureau is a mild reassignment for reporter Michael Barbaro, who has now begun looking at politics beyond the walls of City Hall. Barbaro first started roaming far-and-wide while covering the Senate non-candidate Harold Ford (even flying to Buffalo!).

But Barbaro tells me he'll be keeping his Room 9 seat warm. "My responsibilities have changed slightly: I will keep a foot in City Hall and write more broadly about politics in the New York region. But City Hall can't get rid of me yet," he said via email.

Ms. Gillibrand has been judicious in her television appearances since she became a senator last January, and has reportedly declined invititations to step into what seemed like particularly hostile territory--what with host Joe Scarborough offering to knock on doors for her erstwhile challenger, Harold Ford Jr.

But, after Mr. Ford's exit, and a lunch date with co-host Mika Brzezinksi, Ms. Gillibrand made her Morning Joe debut today. She deflected questions about Mr. Ford and Charlie Rangel, said she had always supported same-sex marriage, and explained that her focus broadened on guns when she became a statewide representative. She sparred gently with Andrew Ross Sorkin on health care reform, which she said would be good for New York.

It didn't break much new ground, but the 12-minute, nationally televised segment suggests that--after an occassionally rocky first year in front of the cameras--Ms. Gillibrand's camp believes she's found her voice.

But on Tuesday on Imus in the Morning, instead of taking another swing at a favorite target, Mr. Imus gently joked about the news from the night before that Mr. Ford was bowing out of the race. "I feel bad about that because I was going to do a 180 and actually support him," said Mr. Imus.   

"I'm sure he'll be glad to hear that you're back in his camp," said sidekick Charles McCord, chuckling.    

"Well I'm willing, in the words of Kinky Friedman, to let bygones be bygones," said Mr. Imus.   

Really?  

Once upon a time, not so long ago, before their falling out, Mr. Imus and Mr. Ford had been close media allies. For years, Mr. Ford regularly appeared on Mr. Imus' program. And, in turn, Mr. Imus supported Mr. Ford's various political ambitions, particularly his 2006 run in Tennessee for U.S. Senate.  

But, in the spring of 2007, with Mr. Imus in hot water for calling the Rutgers basketball team "nappy-headed hos," Mr. Ford dithered in standing by his I-Man. The lack of support from his former friend didn't sit well with Mr. Imus. Later, he accused Mr. Ford of abandoning him in the crisis. Resentment festered.  

Months later, when Mr. Imus eventually returned to the air, he mentioned Mr. Ford's name at a town-hall style show in New York. The audience of Imus fans responded by booing loudly. And ever since January, Mr. Imus has taken to mocking and knocking Mr. Ford on a recurring basis. So why the toned-down approach on Tuesday morning?  

According to a source familiar with the situation, it turns out that the two camps have been in discussions recently about the possibility of Mr. Ford returning to Imus in the Morning as a guest. At the moment, the conversations have yet to result in a definite booking (perhaps in part because Mr. Ford is a regular on MSNBC's Morning Joe, which is a major Imus in the Morning competitor). But it would seem that, for the time being, Mr. Imus is doing his best not to scuttle the potential reunion by piling on additional insults. The bad blood, in other words, has entered a state of limbo.  

Will the civility last? Mr. Imus declined to comment. But a source familiar with Mr. Imus' thinking seemed non-committal. "Don has an excellent sense of humor," said the source.    

And one that can shift quickly. For the time being, the ribbing remains low key.  "I've done some soul searching, some reflecting," Mr. Imus said later on Tuesday's show. "I was all prepared to...support his candidacy, maybe spend weekends traveling around the state campaigning for him and stuff." 

A second person at the event confirmed the remarks, and sent along this quote from Murdoch:

"You probably thought you'd never hear me say this about a rival publisher, but Mort Zuckerman would improve the Senate race just by his entry."

Murdoch's Post recently endorsed Zuckerman, though in the past the paper has not been kind.

Zuckerman's candidacy is already being credited with knocking out one possible candidate: Harold Ford Jr.

More details about Murdoch's commentary coming up.

Here's a summary:

"The notion that liberals didn't accept me is just wrong."

"Money wasn't an issue."

"The press was caught up with carpetbagging; voters didn't care about that."

"The last thing I wanted to see was for this seat to go Republican."

And, in case you weren't sure whether he's leaving the door open:

"I'm not deterred or discouraged by this at all, we'll continue to move forward and I hope another opportunity presents itself."