Minority leader John Sampson said that the Democrats' six-part bill that will cover a variety of ethically-dubious areas including client disclosure requirements, proper use of campaign funds, the need to eliminate the existing 'pay to play' attitude, and the creation of an independent redistricting commission.

"We need to make these changes because they have lost faith, trust and confidence in us," Sampson said. "If we ask them to tighten their belts, we have to tighten our belts."

The ethics package is comprised of six separate bills, all pertaining to different areas where ethics violations have occurred.

Sen. Daniel Squadron is pushing for the establishment of an independent ethics oversight committee that will oversee all areas of state government. He also said he was "very pleased" that Gov. Andrew Cuomo's support for increased ethical oversight during his campaign.

"The key here is no single appointed entity has a majority of the commission," Squadron said.

Sen. Liz Krueger's bill would insure that public officials and candidates only use campaign contributions for the campaign, citing college tuition fees, foreign trips and swimming pool maintenance fees (taking a jab at former Republican State Sen. Joe Bruno) as examples of misuse. Her bill would also stipulate that all funds have to be either returned or given to other causes within four years of an official leaving office. She said that political donations, charitable giving, or prorated return to the donors would all qualify as proper ways to get rid of the money in a campaign fund.

Sen. Joseph Addabbo focused his bill on the end of 'pay to play' by forbidding those with state contracts from making political donations. When asked about what groups specifically qualified as receiving state contracts, he kept his answer purposely vague but hinted that he wants the title to cover all interpretations, including union contracts.

"If the intent of the bill was to stop the pay to play, let's leave it open to include anyone who has contracts with the state," Addabbo said.

Sen. Malcolm Smith said that random campaign audits would be used to enforce clean financing standards in his portion of the bill.

The disclosure of client lists and donors would be a way to "open our books" to their constituents, and Sen. Gustavo Rivera included that measure in his bill.

"We have seen that different legislators have different masters," Rivera said.

The final aspect of the ethics package would create an independent redistricting commission to prevent gerrymandering and help create a truly representative state government, Sen. Michael Gianaris said.

"What have we learned recently was that 240,000 more people have voted for democrats in this past election, and yet the make up of the Senate is 32 Republicans and 30 Democrats," Gianaris said. "It shows that the Republicans do not control the Senate because more people voted for Republican candidates."

He was careful not to cast all the blame on state Republicans, and stressed the need for the commission to be independent.

"One could make an argument that Democrats who control the assembly have done the same thing," he said.

Sampson concluded the press conference by saying he had been in talks with Gov. Cuomo about bringing an ethics passage up for debate and seemed hopeful about the outcome.

"That bill is ready to go in the chamber and pass because we believe the time has come, because we need to let the people of the state of New York know that we heard them," Sampson said.

Republicans called for a rare slow roll-call vote, which meant that senators in alphabetical order were called on to say yea or nay. Here's an alphabetical list of the senators: three of the first four were key bellwether votes on the bill.

So when Joe Addabbo, the Queens Democrat who voted second, said, "Nay," it became clear to anyone following the public, but not private, nose count that the bill would fail.

"I think that the slow roll call had a consequence, because when people saw what was going to happen, it was inclined to snowball," said Gerald Benjamin, an expert on state government and professor at SUNY New Paltz. "I think the issue of whether it was purposeful is another question. There's a difference between saying Addabbo sand-bagged gay marriage on purpose, or circumstantially because they were called upon first to cast their votes. I'm having a hard time thinking it's purposeful."

After Addabbo came Jim Alesi, a Rochester Republican who visibly agonized over his ballot before voting no. Then came Darrel Aubertine, who also voted no. The final tally was 38-24.

One Democrat familiar with the lobbying effort said that the vote was all but locked in before the roll call. But it was certainly a "public signal."

Addabbo denied he had a snowball effect. Brian Lehrer asked him this morning on WNYC if affirmative votes by him and Alesi might have created pressure on other senators.

"I don't think so," Addabbo said. "I think as a conference they understood what they were going to do. Again, given the fact that nobody spoke on the bill, I think coming into the room it was clear that there were not enough votes. It was certainly there wasn't a strong majority to vote for it. Number one, that was clear. I also think it was clear that there was not enough votes."

While he's being attacked as a traitor—one gay-interest blog called him the "most heinous defector"—Addabbo told Lehrer that he cast his ballot based on the expressed desires of his constituents, and had never been a committed yes.

"I can see that [civil rights] argument. I can see the religious argument. I can see the morality argument. Again, I can see the argument on many levels," Addabbo said. "I've always kept my feelings personal because I am but one opinion. And it's an issue I really don't have strong convictions on either way. That's why I did keep an open mind. I felt that I was most neutral up until the end."

Despite the spin, most everyone pushing for a bill legalizing same-sex marriage privately acknowledges that the 24-38 loss in the State Senate was a whopper, and while theories abound, there's no clear explaination for how the bill was so soundly defeated.

Senator Eric Schneiderman started by blaming Republicans.

"If you look at the Assembly, there were lots of Republican yeses," the liberal Manhattan Democrat said. "I don't believe it. They clearly decided not to allow a vote of conscience. I know that there were Republicans that wanted to vote yes."

That's hardly fair, considering eight Democrats voted against the measure. Democrats—under the leadership of Malcolm Smith—took the chamber's majority in 2008 after promising advocates that they would pass the marriage bill, and that they would pick candidates who would vote in favor. That did not happen; Joe Addabbo, a senator from southeast Queens, was elected over Serphin Maltese.

"If there wasn't a vote today, I wouldn't know in a street fight Joe Addabbo doesn't have my back," said Alan Van Capelle, executive director of the Empire State Pride Agenda.

Van Capelle's organization had pushed extremely hard for a vote. In recent weeks, according to a Democratic senator familiar with the lobbying effort, they were the driving force. Someone like Senator Tom Duane, the only openly gay member of the chamber and the bill's prime sponsor, became an accessory.

Duane certainly looked the part by the end of Tuesday. He closed the debate on the bill with a meandering 21-minute ramble that was the furthest thing from cogent. (You could argue this was a filibuster to give time to corral votes.) It included comprehensive thanks for every member and staffer, referenced Harriet Tubman ("she would be bringing people north. There were no street lights. They were in darkness"), his time volunteering as a teacher, his advanced age ("you know, I'm getting to be an older gay. I've got a new gay hip") and a joke about why the measure was urgent.

"We are beating New Jersey. Today. They may have the Jets, they may have the Giants. They are not taking this away. We are beating them," Duane said.

I asked Van Capelle if he thought Duane, conspicuously omitted from his organization's press release, was strong enough of an advocate on the issue.

"I'm enormously proud of the—what's it called—the fact that the Senate brought this bill to the floor for a debate today," he replied, prompting me to repeat my question. "I'm proud of the senators who stood up for our community today."

Duane's colleagues defended him publicly and privately, but acknowledge that he and Van Capelle are not close.

"I don't think they like each other. But that's just their relationship," said one Senate Democrat. "You know, Tom has a different style. Tom believes in killing things with kindness; Alan is aggressive. It can work: a yin and a yang, a good cop and a bad cop."

But the friction wasn't fatal, explained another Senate Democrat familiar with the lobbying: "They were always making efforts to coordinate, but I think the personal stuff was problematic. That could explain a few votes of a swing, but with this big a margin, there were other votes."

Both Senators Carl Kruger and Hiram Monserrate voted against the measure, which appears the result of a chit cashed by Senator Ruben Diaz Sr., a consistently outspoken opponent of the bill and member of the "four amigos" faction.

("If you look at my district, the communities that I represent, I'm a mosaic of ultra-Orthodox Jews, Christians, Muslims, a large Russian conservative population. There were letters and hundreds of phone calls, and the overwhelming sentiment was to oppose a same-sex marriage bill," Kruger told me after the vote. Another hole in this theory: The fourth amigo, Pedro Espada Jr., voted in favor. Of Diaz, Kruger said, "Did he ask me how I was going to vote? For sure. Did I answer? Absolutely … there's never a payback, just an open dialogue.")

There's also the radioactivity of David Paterson. He has pushed hard for a vote on the bill starting in March, hoping to increase his political standing, but according to numerous senators did not work to lobby or corral. His relationship with members on both sides of the aisle has systematically devolved.

"Nobody wants to do anything for this governor," said one Senate Democrat, on background. Members—including Duane—were surprised when he showed up on the floor after the vote.

Duane swayed side to side as the governor decried "political intimidation." He was asked what the new strategy is, in light of the defeat.

"The strategy is to win," he replied.

Christine Quinn, the openly gay speaker of the New York City Council, is here. I snapped this photo of her near the Senate chamber, where she told me "I'm up here hopeful there will be a vote on marriage equality and that it will move the issue forward."

A bunch of senators were lingering in the chamber just before 11 a.m., and I asked several whose positions have been unclear what their positions were on the bill.

Joe Addabbo, a Democrat who represents a conservative slice of Queens: "We'll see, the suspense is killing us."

Roy McDonald, a Republican who represents parts of the Capital Region: "Stick around and you'll see. I think it's appropriate to wait until that time."

Ruben Diaz Sr., a Bronx Democrat who is a vocal opponent of the legislation and never shy about: "Wait until the floor."

Jim Alesi, a Rochester-area Republican: "We'll see. I don't think they have the votes for it." He told Ken Lovett that the climate now was not right.

Carl Kruger, a Brooklyn Democrat aligned with Diaz who has assiduously avoided taking a position: "I always like to hear debate."

Joe Robach, another Rochester-are Republican who was once a Democrat: "I support civil unions. Have for 10 years. You can't be any more consistent than that."

Senators just approved the deficit reduction bill, with Diaz Sr. as well as Republicans Frank Padavan and Andrew Lanza voting against it. Senators also approved a new pension tier and a bill restructuring public authority oversight.

The bill was brought up around 11:45 a.m.  A message of necessity from David Paterson was accepted, and it was laid aside.

The Senate is now standing at ease. You can tune in to a Webcast of the debate here.

Bloomberg is also going to officiate at his swearing-in ceremony this weekend, Ulrich told me. When I asked Ulrich if he’d like to see Bloomberg run in the Republican primary he demurred, saying the decision is for the county chairmen to make.

Ulrich said he is more focused on getting re-elected to a full term in office later this year, and then added, “In my district, it would be helpful to have the mayor on the line.”

The district was formerly represented by a not-so-conservative Democrat, Joe Addabbo, who is now in the State Senate.

It was expected to pass the committee, but is not necessarily expected to get much further.

Republican State Senators Tom Morahan, Joe Griffo and Tom Libous voted against the bill, with Libous leading the charge and raising questions. He claimed that there was not enough time to pass the bill and hold a referendum by May.

"The bill is poorly drafted and it should be specific to New York City," he said. His questions were cut short due to time constraints, causing more ire.

State Senator Kevin Parker, the bill's sponsor, attended the hearing and fielded Libous' questions.

"I don't think that the democratic protections should be only for the people of New York City," Parker said. "By definition, democracy is the highest value we have in this state. Frankly I don't think we could put a price on that."

After the committee's vote—Chairman Joe Addabbo voted for the bill, as did Jose Serrano (by proxy), and both Martin Malave Dilan and Brian Foley voted yes but "without recommendation"—Parker claimed that the Republicans opposed the bill in "collusion" with Michael Bloomberg.

"They're in the pocket of Mayor Bloomberg," he said. "The amount of money that Mayor Bloomberg gave to stop us from taking the majority is well-documented." (Libous denied any collusion with the mayor.)

In the room I spotted Michael Avella, now counsel to the Bloomberg campaign; Michelle Goldstein, New York's top lobbyist; and Bloomberg's spokesman Matthew Gorton.

Deputy Mayor Ed Skyler told me earlier that this issue is "not on [his] agenda."

The bill will now go to the Senate Finance Committee. It is currently also sitting in the Assembly Ways & Means Committee, where Chairman Denny Farrell told me yesterday, "We're reviewing it."

Parker seemed confident it wouldn't have problems in the Senate Finance Committee. Libous vowed to bring up his concerns there.

Majority Leader Malcolm Smith has not taken a position on the bill.

Chappey filed a challenge and succeeded in knocking off the leading candidate in the race, Frank Gulluscio—an aide to Joe Addabbo, the councilman whose election to the State Senate created the current vacancy.

At last night’s debate, another candidate in the race, Eric Ulrich, asked Chappey, “Why do you feel Frank did not have the right to run for City Council?”

Chappey tried answering the question, and ended up getting shouted down the by the audience.

“You can shout up until tomorrow. It doesn’t matter,” she told them, saying it was the Board of Elections that ultimately made the decision.

More on this race in a bit.

It is the first time Democrats have controlled the State Senate in 40 years. (The winner of the race between Democrat Jim Gennaro and Republican incumbent Frank Padavan has not yet been determined.)

"Today, change begins," Minority Leader Malcolm Smith said in a statement. "There is much at stake for New York families and we are committed to delivering for the people of this great state without the excessive partisanship that has stalled progress in Albany. We will rebuild New York's economy, protect middle income families, get New York working again, and make government more accountable."

For Democrats, the new majority means that legislators once confined to delivering potent sound bites during floor debates will now be in positions of greater influence.

One of the new players is Bill Stachowski, who fended off a close challenge from former police detective Dennis Delano.

At the Erie County Democratic victory party downtown, Stachowski savored his victory and said he hoped it would translate into more influence as he becomes chairman of the chamber's Finance Committee.

"I think that Western New York projects will get a longer look," he said. "And it looks like Western New York gets a bigger voice in how things are run."

Senator Antoine Thompson made the same point, but as the ranking minority member on the Cities and Environmental Conservation Committees.

Some consultants also note the Democrats now owe a debt to both the Working Families Party—which knocked on over 300,000 doors on behalf of Democrats Joe Addabbo and Brian Foley—as well as the Hotel Trades Council, which sent 200 canvassers through Queens.

The question now is what the party will do with its newfound power, and decades of stymied projects piled up. At least initially, the plan is to figure out how to best deal with a looming budget deficit, several senators said.

The Democrats will caucus in Albany Wednesday afternoon.